librarian Vttarpara Joykti^hmi Public Llbraif Govt. of Wat Bctjaa) JOB CHARNOCK The Founder of Calcutta (In Facts <6 Fiction) An Anthology Compiled bjt P. THANKAPPAN NAIR Distributors CALCUTTA OLD BOOK STALL 9, Shyama Charan De Street CALCUTTA-700073 First Published in 1977 Text Printed by Mohammed Ayub Ansari at Shahnaz Printing & Stationery Works, 2/H/16 Radha Gobindo Saha Lane, Calcutta-70001 7 Cover and Illustrations printed at Engineering Times Printing Press, 35 Chittaranjan Avenue Calcutta 700012 Published by E. H. Tippoo for Engineering Times Publications Private Ltd. Wachel Molla Mansion, 8 Lenin Sarani, C alcuita-700072 Price : Rs. 30 00 CONTENTS Preface PART I -JOB CHARNOCK - IN FACTS I. A Portrait of Job Charnock P . Thankappan Nair .... 1 2. Job Charnock Philip Woodruff ... 60 3. Job Charnock G. W. Forrest 68 4. Job Charnock Founds Calcutta Arnold Wright .... 90 5. Portrait of Job Charnock From Calcutta Review 1 .... 107 6. Charnock and Chutianutti J. C. Marshman ... 113 7. Charnock’s Character W. K. Firminger ... 115 8, ' Governor Job Charnock From Bengal Obituary .... 122 9. Charnock in D.N.B. ... 125 10. Job Charnock’s Hindu Wife : A Rescued Sati ... Hari Charan Biswas 131 11. Some Historical Myths ... Wilma! Corfield ... 137 12. W. K. Firminger’s Note on Mr. Biswas’s 141 preceding article ... 13. Job Charnock’s Visit to ,Fort St. George & 143 Baptism of his Children — Frank Penny • • • ( Vi ) H Job Charnock - His Parentage and Will 151 Sir R. C. Temple 15 Job Charnock, the Founder of Calcutta, and the Armenian Controversy .... ... 164 H. W . B. Moreno 19. The Mausoleum of Job Charnock ... ... 174 Rev . H. B . Hyde 17. The Petrology of Job Charnock’s Tombstone .... 182 Thomas H Holland PART — II JOB CHARNOCK - IN FICTION 18. Charnock’s Prophetic Soliloquy ... ... 189 Dak (Wilmot Corfield) 19. Job Charnock of the Mid-day Halt ... 190 Dak 20. The City’s Birthday ... ... ... 196 Dak 21. Job Charnock ... ... ... 199 H. T . Frinsep 22. Job Charnock’s Wife ... .... 211 Original : Dr. Pratap Chandra Chunder Translation : Bijoli Bhusan Bhaduri 23. Lila and Charnock 281 Original : Subodh Ghosh Translation : B B Bhaduri Subject Index — 287 Errata — 289 JOB CHARNOCK 7 A portrait of Job Charnock published in the Encyclopaedia Bntannica, 15th edition. See page 41 for the authenticity of the picture Preface Job Charnock, the founder of Calcutta, has not received the attention of historians he deserves. There are more myths about the father of Calcutta than facts which we know of. Neither a history of the life and times of Job Charnock, nor an authentic biographical sketch of the Father of Calcutta is avail- able. In the absence of any treatise on Job Charnock, the only way to pay homage to the Founding Father of Calcutta is to collect all important writings on him and his times and publish them in an anthology. The present anthology is the first attempt to present the life and times of Job Charnock as seen by others. Important writings based on historical facts on Job Charnock are presented in Part I. His life and times as seen by fiction-writers are presented in Part II. The compiler of the anthology does not subscribe to the views of these fiction- writers. The gist of the compiler’s own research on Job Charnock and his times is presented in his essay, ‘Portrait of Job Charnock*. The compiler is indebted to the India Office and Records for the supply of a photostat copy of Sir R.C. Temple’s study, ‘Job Charnock — His Parentage and Will’. The authorities of the India Office and Records have been very helpful, besides supplying other documents, in getting the compiler in touch with various other archives like the Guildhall Library, Lancas- hire Archives etc. in the United Kingdom. The compiler is indebted to Blackwoods & Sons Ltd., Edinburgh, for supplying him a photostat copy of Sir G.W. Forrest’s article on Job ( xii ) Charnock which appeared in the Blackwood's Magazine in June 1902. Some of the books and journals from which the essays included in this anthology have been supplied by Shri Mohammed Yakub, proprietor of the Calcutta Old Book Stall. Shri Indranath MajumJar of Subarnarekha, 72 Mahatma Gandhi Roa j, Calcutta, also supplied some journals. There are repetitions galore in the anthology and the compi- ler could not help avoid them as the essays have been taken from different journals and books. ‘A Portrait of Job Charnock’ written by the compiler has been rendered into Bengali and is being published in the Bengali Journal, Ekshan. Prof. Nirmalya Acharya, the Editor of the Journal, deserves congratulations on the encouragement given to the compiler for writing the essay. Prof. Nishit Ranjan Ray, Curator and Secretary of the Victorial Memorial also deserves author’s thanks for placing all available material, in his Museum, at the disposal of the compiler. The compiler is indebted to Dr. Pratap Chandra Chunder, Education Minister of India, who granted permission to make free use of his Bengali novel. Job Charnocker Bibi. He not only threw his personal library open to the compiler for doing research on Job Charnock, but also offered valuable suggestions. The credit for translating the relevant portions from Dr. Chunder’s novel as well as Shri Subodh Ghosh’s short story goes to Shri Bijoli Bhusan Bhaduri of Engineering Times News Weekly. The compiler is indebted to Shri Subodh Ghosh for giving him permission to include the short story, ‘Lila and Charnock’, from his collection of Kimbadantir Deshe. Shri Bhaduri, offered valuable criticisms and placed at the compiler’s disposal, translations of the most important writings on Job ( WH ) Charnock that He scattered in Bengali literature. Unfortunately, no contemporary account on Job Charnock in Bengali could be traced. The photographs included in this anthology have been supp- lied by Shri p. N. Srivastava, industrial photographer, Calcutta. The compiler is indebted to his uncles, Shri C. R. Bhaskaran Nair and Shri K. Madhavan Nair, for their help. The credit for kindling his interest on Job Charnock goes to Shri U. Raman. Shri Mohammed Ayub Ansari is 'responsible for printing the anthology. Shri E. H. Tippoo, Managing Director of Engineering Times Publications Private Ltd., has been kind enough to publish this anthology for which he deserves the compiler’s thanks. 82/C Kansaripara Road CALCUTTA-700025 P. T. Nair July I, 1977 Part— I JOB CHARNOCK - IN FACTS A PORTRAIT OF JOB CHARNOCK By P. Thankappan Nair It is customary with anyone who takes up his pen to write anything about Calcutta to begin with Char nock. We have noticed people writing about ‘ land-use ’ m Char nock's time , ‘ theatre ’ in Charnock' s time etc . etc. with little knowledge about the founder of Calcutta and his days. Even a standard reference work like the ENCYCLOPAEDIA BRITAN- NIC A ( I4tli and 15th editions' ) does not devote more than a para or two on Job Charnock. The DICTION A RY OF NATIONAL BIOORAPH Y does not sav anything about Charnock' s parentage , early life and other biographical details . Many a legend and myth has gathered around Charnock . It have become difficult to distinguish the truth about Charnock An attempt is , therefore , made to give here an account of Charnock based on documents that have survived. Charnocks were a Lancashire family.2 They were said to have assumed the local name of their dwelling place in Leyland Hundred in that county, and to have given them the distin- g ushmg epithets of Charnock Richard, Heath Charnock and Charnock Gogard. These are all mentioned in the 13th century and the villages of Charnock Richard and Charnock Heath are suit so called. A branch of the Charnock family settled in London and another in Hullcott, Bedfordshire, both in the 16th century, and Richard Charnock, father of the founder of Calcutta, was a London citizen and was the owner of the property in Bedfordshire. He was a scion of the Charnock family of Lancashire. Richard Charnock, whose will3 has come down to us, was a yeoman and solicitor. He bequeathed a legacy to Thomas Bateman in his will thus : “ It6vn. I give unto Mr. Thom?s Bateman Merchant sometymes servant to Mr. Michael! N arke- land the summe of six pounds of lawfull money of England 2 JOB CHARNOCK and unto James Hall Woolen draper in Candleweeke streete aforesaid the like summe of Six pounds of like money”. The will continues i “THE REST and residue of all and singuler my goods Chatteils ready moneyes Plate Leases debts and other things whatsoever to me belonging and not before in these presents given and bequeathed I give and bequeath unto my said Two Sonnes Stephen Charnock and Job Charnock to be equally devided between them which said Stephen Charnock and Job Charnock my sonnes I DOE MAKE ordaine and appoint the full executors of this my present Testament and Last will.” Richard Charnock’s will also specifically mentions that his son was abroad by stating, “That if my said sonne Job Charnock shall happen to depart this life before his returne to England...”. The will of Richard Charnock clearly establishes his rela- tionship with Job Charnock. Additional proof has come from Job Charnock’s letter to Henry Aldworth, written from Patna on October 12, 1663. Aldworth was then preparing to depart for England from Hooghly. Charnock and his superior at Patna Factoty, Ion Ken, expressed their hope to come down ‘suddenly’, but probably not in time to see Aldworth before he left. Aldworth was asked to take home letters to Charnock’s faiher, and Bateman. Charnock writes : “I know not whether I shall bee ready to goe home this yeare ; if not, God willing, the next I shall. Nay, per- happes I shall bee att home afore, because I intend still overland, and soedoth Mr. Ken”.4 A postscript to this letter says that Aldworth will hear of the elder Charnock on inquiry to Mr. Hall, a haberdasher6 JOB CHARNOCK 3 in Cannon Street.0 Besides legatees, Thomas Bateman and James Hall were the executors of Richard Charnock's will. Since the will was dated April 2, 1663, it was probable Richard Charnock was dead at the time his son was penning the above letter. Probate was granted to Stephen Charnock on the 2nd June, 1665, power being reserved to issue the same to Job Charnock, the other executor, on his return to England. Aldworth7 sailed for England in the Roval Katherine , but died during the voyage and, therefore, could not meet Richard Charnock. After establishing the identity of Richard Charnock, let us trace Job Charnock’s relationship with Stephen Charnock who was Chaplain to Henry Cromwell, son of Oliver Cromwell, Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland, in 1653-58, Stephen Charnock, the reputed Puritan theologian, was born in 1628 in the Parish of St. Catherine, Cree Church, London. Job Charnock be- queathed a legacy of £ 50 to the “poore of the Parish of Cree Church London” in his will0. This corroborates the fact that the theologian was Job Charnock's own brother. The absence of any allusion to Stephen’s profession in Richard Charnock’s will is accounted for in two ways : First, the chaplain had fallen into ill odour after the Protector’s death and he remained in obscurity in London for fifteen years with no regular charge. Secondly, Richard Charnock was probably a Royalist and a High churchman and consequently would have had little sympathy with his son’s puritanical views. Since the wills of Richard, Stephen and Job Charnock have come down to us and they all have some common elements, it is conclusively proved that Richard is Job’s father and, Stephen, his brother. 4 JOB CHARNOCK Job Charnock was probably born in 1631, but"this is not certain, as there is no mention of his age in his will, which is dated ninth day of January 1692 (93), a day before his death.10 Since his brother Stephen was also dead (July 27, 1680), no legacy is reserved for any of his parents or brother. There is no mention of the name of the wife of Richard Charnock in his will ; hence it is presumed that Job’s mother had died before 1663. We know nothing about the early life of Job Charnock in London. Perhaps, he was educated11, like his brother, at Emmanuel College, Cambridge. There is no doubt that he had a liberal education, for his surviving letters speak for themselves. His style was characterised by brevity and clarity of thought.1 2 Job Charnock reached India in 1656, but there is nothing on record to show that he was sent out to this country in the service of the London Company. Maurice Thom(p)son13 had floated a company in 1655 when the United Stock was break- ing up. At first he worked independently, but became the Governor of the resuscitated London East India Company when the United Stock finally broke up. Most of the factors recruited by Maurice Thomson were related to prominent ecclesiastics.1'1 Job’s colleague and executor in England, Daniel Sheldon15, was the nephew of Gilbert Sheldon, Archbishop of Canterbury. Ion Ken was elder brother of the celebrated bishop and Job Charnock, as we have already seen, was the brother of Stephen Charnock, the Puritan theologian There is an oblique hint in one of the extant letters that Maurice Thomson was; more interested in the spre id of the Gospels than in the East India trade.16 JOB CHARNOCK There is no mention of the application of Job Charnock in the Court Minutes of the Committees. In fact, Job Charnock was the only factor who emered the service of the Company without executing anv bond17 and continued to serve in Bengal till 1680. Charnock’s name is not found in any of the sailing lists of 1655, 1656 and 1657. 1 8 This fact shows that he was either an adventurer or a favourite of the ‘Committees’. His name first appears on the nominal roll entered in the Court Books1 !> under date 12- 13th January 1657 (58) as Junior Member of the Council at Kasimbazar thus: ‘’Job Charnock, Fourth (salary) 20 The Court'20 wrote to “Our Agent and Factors’” on February 27, 1657 ^58) that at “Hughly wee do appoint at Cassambazar (Ion Kenn, Chief at £ 40 ; Darnell Sheldon, 2d, at £ 30 ; John Priddy, 3d. at £ 30; Job Charnock, 4ih at £ 20) ” A letter from Balasore to Madras dated December 3, 1658, gives the actual arrangement as follows'21 ; AT HUGHL1 Hopkins, Rogers, Charnock, and Thomas Gifford Thomas Hopkins, Ion Ken, Richard Chamberlain, Edmund Bugden and (probably) Job Charnock, who were sent out to Bengal by Maurice Thomson and associates were joined by William Blake, the Chief of the old Company at Hooghly. Thomas Billidge2 2 had procured a separate A Ushan from shah Shuja, Viceroy of Bengal. Though the home authorities had appointed Charnock for Kasimbazar, he was retained at Hooghly by the Agent of Bengal factories, as we have seen above. There is nothing on record to show that Job Charnock served at Kasimbazar 23 in 1657 or 1658. He was still at Balasore in August 1658 as is evident from Thomas Bateman's letter from Balasore which reads: “Your friend Mr. Ken is 6 JOB CHARNOCK not recovered but has every other day his wonted fits; and poor Job (Charnock) begins to droop and sympathise with lou’s sickness”.2 1 (Orthography modernised). After a short stay at Hooghly, Job Charnock proceeded to Patna and arrived, on his way, at Rajmahal on January 3], 1658 (59) and accord- ing to the letter of Henry Aldworth to Thomas Davies dated “Pro. Ifcbr. 1658 (59)”, “Mr. Chamberlayne and Mr. Charnock are goeing tomorrow p. Pattana ; Mr. Charnock for the quicker dispatch of his voyage is now cutting his haire, and intends to enter into the Moores fashion this day. 1 would have sent you one of his lockes too keepe for a antique but Mr. Chamberlayne hath promised to doe it ”.25 Thus, Charnock was the first Englishman to give up his elaborate wigs and cut his hair short and take up Indian dress. This won him the admiration of the people of Bengal (Bihar and Orissa included) From the very beginning, he identified himself with the habits of the native population. The English factory at Patna was situated at ‘Singee’ (Singhiya), near Lalganj, 15 miles north of the city, on the left bank of the river Gandak. He reached Patna in February 1659 and spent the next twenty years there for supplying saltpetre to the Company. Chamberlain was the first head of the English factory at Patna and Ion Ken succeeded him. Charnock was appointed fifth in the order of seniority in the Bay of Bengal factories vide letter of October 7, 1662. Charnock’s original engagement seems to have been for five years as was the then customary practice. His memorial26 to terminate his service at the end of the contracted period is dated February 23, 1663/4. Charnock who had taken a decision to return to England was persuaded by William Blake27, the newly appointed Chief of the Bengal factories, to JOB CHARNOCK 7 stay a little longer. He agreed to remain at Patna until the end of September 1664 vide his letter*8 dated February 23, on condition that he was made the head of Patna factory and he was, accordingly, appointed to that post since Ion Ken, whose contracted period of service had come to an end, had handed over charge to Thomas Stiles. Charnock changed his mind and remained as the head of the Patna factory from 1664 to 1679. His change of mind may be attributed to the receipt of news of his father's death at home. Perhaps he did not find it worthwhile going home since his parents were dead and his only brother, Stephen, was spending his days in obscurity. Latimer-9 has conjectured the view that Charnock married in 1663. Had he married in that year, he would not have again decided to go home in 1670. Charnock was discontented and wanted to resign his post in 1670. A consultation held at Hooghly on September 19. J 670 says : "Job Charnock, Chief there (Patna) has writ us to leave the imployment, returning his indentures and coven- ants unsigned, which wee suppose proceeds from a risentment of not being raised in imployment according to his expectations and time of service...”30 Shem Bridges, who was then the Agent of the Bengal factories, requested Charnock to remain for at least a year, stating that, if he (Charnock) acquainted him with his desires, he would report them to the Company so that "a person of his abilities may not want their incouragement”.30 Charnock's appointment as Chief at Patna3- was confirmed by the Court of Committees in their despatch of December 1669. In 1671 (October 25) an order of the Court increased his salary to t 40; and a month later he -was informed that “in case he 8 JOB CHARNOCK continues in the Company's services, as they have fvad respect to him in the increase of his salary ... so they will further consi- der him as to his past services...”33. Charnock once again changed his mind though he refused to sign the indentures and covenants in 1672 as he wanted to return to England as soon as possible.34 The Chief and Council of Bengal in their letter of Decem- ber 28, 1674 to the Company wrote that he (Charnock) ‘doth manage their business (of saltpetre) as much to your advantage as any man can, and when anything happens contrary to your interest it lies (w) holy out of his way to amend it’.3R That Sir William Langhorn, the Company’s Agent at Fort St. George, to which the Bengal factories were subordinate, also had the same high regard for Charnock as the Bay council is shown by a recommendation he made to the home authorities about the Patna Chief. This was to the effect that if Walter Clavcll went home (as he was reported to be intending) and Matthias Vincent succeeded him, as next in seniority, Charnock, though having a claim to the chiefship of Kasimbazar, should be retained at Patna, as w your (salt) petre business being so important and so much needing him, who by all reports is the only person for that business’.30 The Court on December 24, 1675, in their despatch of that date, wrote to Fort St. George that “upon the commendation you give us of Mr. Job Charnock, we have resolved that for his encouragement, during his stay in our service at Patna to give him £ 20 per annum as gratuity”37 (i.e. a personal allo- wance). Walter Clavell succeeded Shem Bridges in 1671 and Charnock was appointed to the Bay Council as Fifth and he attended the meetings38 of the Council on December 17, 1676 JOB CHARNOCK 9 and left Hooghly for Patna on February I, 1677. Charnock was offered the fifth place at Fort St. George in 1678. Charnock did not accept the position the Court offered him at Fort St. George as it did not meet with his expectations and probably as he was unwilling to quit Bengal.39 The letter dated October 28, 1678 from the Patna Council addressed to the Court throws much light on this subject : kkWe have obser- ved that your Worshipful Agent and Council of the Fort have inserted in a clause of their letter you sent us in yours, concerning Job Charnock, to which he replies that he is no ways yet satisfied, nor can he in the least conceive that the 5 of Council there belongs to him, and therefore desires their excuse for his not proceeding thither, he being not a little troubled to see such hard measure aforded him from thence, by depriving thus of the right to which he hath so many years since, and doth now at present belong to him, and therefore desires they would be pleased to take into further consideration being almost confident that his hon’ble employers will not suffer him to be thus neglected and unregarded about his 20 years’ service in their employment, but afford him his right station”.40 The Madras Council41 appointed Charnock as Chief of Kasimbazar, the centre of the silk trade in Bengal, in place of (later Sir) Edward Littleton on July 12, 1679. He accepted the offer, but did not come down to take charge of the station, as he was busy in Patna, supervising the loading of the boats with saltpetre and other merchandise which were urgently needed by his employers. He wanted to see for himself that the native boats loaded with the Company’s goods reach Balasore safe from the attack of pirates infesting the Hooghly river.4 - Sir Streynsham Master, the Agent of the Company at Fort St. George, to which the Bay was subordinate as we have stated 10 JOB CHARNOCK earlier, visited the establishments in Bengal in 1679. Master left Madras on 1,1 679 and asked Charncok to meet him and his staff at Kasimbazar. He would not accept the excuses of Charnock and on December 1 5 wrote to him reprimanding for his delay in proceeding to meet the Agent at Kasimbazar. ‘which factory is the greatest concern of the Hon’ble Company in these parts'. Master threatened Charnock with cancellation of his promotion order. But Charnock knew well that the Court would rather dismiss the whole of their other Agents if he were not appointed the Chief of Kasimbazar. After settling the Company’s affairs in Patna, Charnock came down and took over the charge of the Kasimbazar factory on January 18, 1681. Charnock had to put up with stiff opposition from the local peopole, who besieged him in his factory. He escaped and reached Hooghly safe. Master and the Court realised that a man of vast experience was needed at Hooghly and none other than Charnock, who had spent about 25 years in the Bay, was better suited to look after the interests of the Company in Bengal. The Company’s business in Bengal increased every year. In 1668 the stock furnished for Bengal was valued at £34,000 but in 1675 its value rose to £65,000 and the factors were authorised to take up £ 20,000 in addition at interest. Charnock was offered the second position at Hooghly, eventually to succeed Matthias Vincent as the Chief. He became the Agent of the Company in Bengal on 16th or 17th April, 1686 after being superceded by (later Sir) William Hedges and John Beard, the Elder (1684-85). The dispute between the English Company and Moghul authorities in Bengal over the issue of payment of custom duties to trade culminated in open hostilities on October 28, 1686. JOB CHARNOCK 11 The Directors had placed a force under Charnock’s command in that year. Alarmed at the turn the affairs had taken, the Company’s Agent sent for the troops that were quartered at Chandernagore. Charnock gained a decisive victory over the joujdar of Hooghly with the help of troops commanded by Captain Arbuthnot. Shayista Khan, the Moghul Govenor in Bengal, was impressed with the firing and battering of the English troops. He sought to effect an accommodation through the Dutch, but at the same time did not brook the rebuff. He was only looking for an opportunity to seize the Company's goods. Charnock had no other alternative but to make an open war with Shayista Khan. He burned and destroyed all the magazines of salt and granaries of rice. He is said to have burned the entire river face of the Hooghly as far as Chander- nagorc by a burning glass and sailed downstream by cutting with his sword a heavy iron chain which was stretched across the river for intercepting his vessel. “Had there been no English conquest of Bengal, had there been no consequent introduction of Western culture and Western refinements of criticism, the Company’s old Agent would by this lime have been transformed into a warrior-hero as bold as the wielder of Durandal, as terrible in wrath as the avenger of Patroclus”, says a historian about this skirmish at Hooghly.43 Sutanati, on the right bank of the Hooghly where a market for cotton used to spring up during the shipping season, was the place where Charnock halted. He stayed here for a short while and proceeded to Hijili where he had to bear the brunt of the attack of the 12,000-strong Moghul troops. The arrival of 70 men from Europe turned the tide. By an audacious strategem, Charnock magnified his reinforcement into a new army and delusive show of strength with banners, 12 JOB CHARNOCK trumpets, drums and loud huzzas. The Moghul general completely deceived, held back ; and on June 4, 1687, in com- pliance with an ultimatum served by Charnock, sent a flag of truce. The Moghuls were favourably impressed with the English prowess as Charnock, with his small contingent, had held the formidable Moghul forces at bay for months together. The Emperor Aurangzeb, finding that his revenues were suffering from the hindrance to trade caused by the recent events, issued orders to the Nawab of Bengal to discontinue hostilities. The English were permitted to march out with all honours of war to their establishments in Bengal. They were also permitted to erect docks and magazines at Uluberia. Charnock was under no misconception as to the uselessness of the concessions made, and as soon as Shayista Khan’s intentions were fully disclosed, he made up his mind to abandon Uluberia and take all the ships up the river to Sutanati. He had, by this time, a clearer vision of what was really needed, and his skilled eyes fell on the geographical advantages offered by the little river-side village. The anchorage on the river at the point of Sutanati was good, The strategical advantages offered by Sutanati were not readily available at any other spot on the entire course of the river. This new haven of refuge was reached in September 1687 and a settlement of rude mud huts was formed, which was destined to become famous in history as the greatest of Indian cities. Charnock and his party remained at Sutanati for more than a year. The Court of Directors, who had nursed the idea of annexing Chittagong, and transplanting the Bengal establish- ment there, sent Captain William Heath, “a hot-headed, capricious, and feather-brained skipper” to carry out their JOB CHARNOCK 13 fantastic plan. He, on his arrival at Sutanati, ordered the winding up of the establishments in Bengal without listening to the advice of Charnock and his Council. The English factors packed up bag and baggage, set sail downstream, reached Balasore and occupied it on November 29, 1688. Bahadur Khan, who succeeded Shayista Khan, was not willing to yield to the terms of Captain Heath. The captain and his party, therefore, proceeded to Chittagong at the close of the year to settle there. The tactless captain found it impossible to esta- blish a colony at Chittagong on account of the opposition of the local king. Hence he weighed anchor on February 1689 and steered clear southwards, reaching Fort St. George on March 17, 1689. The loss of revenue from the Company's trading operations in Bengal was considerable and Aurangzeb was anxious to get immunity to Moghul shipping. On April 23, 1690, the Emperor wrote to his Governor Ibrahim Khan, who had replaced Bahadur Khan, that “it has been the good fortune of the English to repent of their irregular past proceedings and their not being in their former greatness, have by their attorneys petitioned for their lives and pardon for their faults, which out of my extra- ordinary favour towards them, I have accordingly granted. Therefore, upon receipt here of my order you must not create them any further trouble, but let this order I expect you see strictly observed”. The Company was thus given royal permission to trade by the Emperor at an annual payment of Rs. 3,000 and the Agent, Charnock, had full faith in his old friend, Ibrahim Khan. After an enforced stay of some 15 months at Fort St. George, Charnock and his party set sail on board the Princess for Sutanati in July 1690. The party consisting of about 30 Englishmen 14 JOB CHARNOCK changed the Princess for the ketch MadapoVam at Balasore and once more appeared before Sutanati on the Sunday noon of August 24, 1690. A writer in the Calcutta Review imagines the arrival of Charnock4 4 thus : “ . ... On a sultry day of the year 1690, several boats stopped off the bank of the River Hugli, close to the dirty straggling village of Chuttanutti. One is a large budgerow (house-boat) with the English flag flying at her masthead. She is crowded with armed men both European and native, and the other boats are full of people. A somewhat portly- looking man stands on her deck, over whose head a chattah (umbrella) covered with scarlet cloth. He is dressed in a suit of half Flemish, half Spannish fashion. On his head is a broad-leafed Flemish beaver hat, with two feathers falling to the leftside, from beneath which may be seen his long grey locks. He wears a shert doublet of fawn-covered satin with a short, light cloak of tussa or country silk. Down his neck is a ruff and falling collar of lace. Round his waist he wears a broad buff belt, girt, with a massive gold buckle. From the belt hangs a long rapier, ana the orna- mented stocks of a pair of pistols are seen above the upper edge of the belt. His bushy eyebrows and grizzled moustaches, his quick remarks and abrupt tones give him an air of sternness as he is carried ashore, where a salaaming crowd receives him”. The Sutanati Diary45 records the event thus : “August 24th (Sunday). This day at Sankral ordered Captain Brooke to come up with his vessel to Chuttanutte where we arrived at noon ; but found the place in JOB CHARNOCK 15 a deplorable condition, nothing being left for our present accommodation and the rain following day and night. We are forced to betake ourselves to boats, which considering the season of the year, is unhealthy; Mellick Barcoodar and the country people at our leaving this place (in October 1688) burning and carrying away what they could. On our arrival here the Governor of Tana sent his servant with a compliment”. Within four days of his arrival, Charnock took the necessary steps to build a warehouse and other buildings, as is evident fiom the consultation 46 dated Thursday, August 28 at which besides the Agent, his councillors, Francis Ellis and Jeremiah Peachie, were present. They “Resolved that a letter be sent to Mr. Stanley etc. to come from Hugli and bring with them what Englishmen are there, that the war with the French may be proclaimed, and also that Commissions be given to all comman- ders of ship in order to the prosecution of the same. “In consideration that all the former buildings here are destroyed, it is resolved that such places be built as necessity requires and as cheap as possible, viz— (1) A warehouse, (2) a dining room, (3) the Secretary’s office to be repaired, (4) a room to sort cloth in, (5) a cook room with its conveniences, (6) an apartment for the companys servants, (7) the Agent’s and Mr. Peachie’s houses to be repaired, which were part standing, and a house to be built for Mr. Ellis, the latter being totally demolished, (8) the guard house. “These to be done with mud walls and thatched till we can eet eround whereuoon to Build a factorv 16 JOB CHARNOCK Thus originated Calcutta, the laying of the foundation of which marked the British ascendancy in India. Till then the British were struggling for a footing in the guise of humble traders. IS CALCUTTA ‘CHANCE -ERECTED ? There are few cities in the Orient which can claim to be the product of the imagination of one man alone, as that of Calcuttta. There are no two opinions that Calcutta is not the product of the vision of Job Charnock. Since the sailing of the sloop Transport 17 on February 25, 1651 under the command of William Bevis and his mate George Becher, a number of Englishmen had sailed up the Hooghly under the Union Jack ; but none had felt the necessity of a fortified settlement for the protection of English trade. It was left to Job Charnock to transplant the greatness of Great Britain in India. It is not correct to say that the site of Calcutta was selected from the mid-day halt of the “Worshipful Agent” and the city spread like fungus. Neither was the city ‘chance-directed’, nor was it ‘chance-erected, laid and built, on the silt’.4 8 Charnock selected the site of Calcutta from his long experience of the Hooghly for more than three decades. He made several attempts at establishing a port and city. He had made experiment with Hijili and Uluberia further downstream and stayed at Sutanati twice before selecting it as the site of future Calcutta. The spot chosen was the highest point at which the river was navigable for sea-going vessels. We have already noted the geographical advantages of Sutanati Charnock had foreseen. The Court of Committees of the London Company had issued instructions to their East-Indiamen Captains “to take JOB CHARNOCK \1 notice of the channel and depth of the river Ganges and the entrance thereinto, to keep a journal and to make exact drafts of their depths, reaches and currents and also how the sands usually vary”,49 as early as 1667. Charnock was the first Englishman to foresee the advantages of a river port. The site selected was Sutanati, the embryo of modern Calcutta. This place was secure for a naval power as other places where he had stayed such as Hijili, Uluberia, Hooghly etc. were not dependable. The Moghul forces had to cross the river higher up to attack Sutanati and march down upon it from the north. The attacking force was exposed to swift and certain destruction if the river were crossed while the English troops guarded it. The English could assail the enemy on his march to Sutanati by cutting off his line of communication and thus place him in a dangerous predicament. The Salt Lakes in the cast and the swamps and marshes surrounding it made it invulnerable to the enemy. Moreover, Sutanati had easy communication with the factories in Orissa, Bengal and Bihar. It is incorrect to say that Job Charnock did not under- stand all these advantages.60 Otherwise, how could have Calcutta retained its position as the foremost port of India so far ? “The capital of British India did not, as some seem to think, spring up like Jona’s gourd, in a single night...61 The fact remains that Charnock and Charnock alone founded Calcutta. Many of his contemporaries failed to see the need of such a measure (a fortified settlement to safeguard the trade and com- merce) ; others saw it, but the Court would not trust them, or give the necessary means. In Charnock the Court reposed an almost unwavering confidence. He wished to make a fortified settle- ment at Sutanati and made it... He will always occupy a place 2— 18 JOB CHARNOCK among those who have the sovereign honour *of being the founders of States and Commonwealths”... says a historian. The Court of Committees of the “Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East Indies”, were also favourably impressed with the strategical position of Sutanati. “We think the sooner the Agent Charnock resettles the factories of Cossimbazar and Malda, the better it will be for the Com- pany, and since he likes Chuttanuttee so well we are content he should build a factory there with as much frugality as may be,... He (Charnock) may find it necessary to continue a small factory at Hugh likewise, but that we must leave to his and council’s discretion...”,62 wrote the Court on February 15, 1689. Again on September 11, 1689 the Committees wrote to Fort St. George: “If the Moors will allow us to fortify ourselves at Chuttanuttee where our ships may go up and ride within the command of our guns, it would be much better for us though it should cost us a bribe of thirty or forty thousand rupees to the great men to be paid when we are possessed of the Moghul’s firman 3 It is clear from what we ha\e stated above that Kipling was wrong in thinking that the city of Calcutta was a ‘chance- erected’ one from the mid-day halt of the Agent. CHARACTER OF CHARNOCK Job Charnock was perhaps the only servant of the London Company who was above criticism. There was not a single head of English factories in India, who was not either disgraced by dismissal or condemned at home by the Court of Committees. According to Bruce’s Annals 04 (Vol. II, pp 449-50) Charnock had kept in check the measures of this Agent (Sir Streynsham JOB CHARNOCK 19 Master) and Council by correspondence with the Court (of Committees) ; and the Company declared that “they would rather dismiss the whole of their Agents than that Mr. Charnock should not be the Chief of Cossimbazar”. Charnock’s conduct was unimpeachable throughout his long period of service extending over three decades and a half. He justified the trust reposed in him by the Court. He is referred to as ‘one of our most ancient and best servants’,66 ‘as one of whose fidelity and care in our service we have had long and great experience’,60 ‘a person that has served us faithfully above twenty years and hath never, as we understand, been a prowler lor himself beyond what was just and modest’ 67 etc. etc. The Court learnt the death of their ‘good Agent Mr. Charnock’ from Capiam Knox, “for which we are sorry, but we must all submit to God’s will”.68 Even the bitterest critics of Charnock knew full well that he never wronged the Company m the price of their goods. Every one knew that without clear proof of his w ronging the Company, he could not be displaced. “The experience we have of Mr. Charnock for 34 years past, and finding all that hate us to be enemies to him, having wrought such a confidence in our mind concerning him that we shall not, upon any ordinary suggestions against him, change our ancient and constant opinion of his fidelity to our interests”,69 wrote the Court. The Commit- tees did not tolerate the sprouting of factions against “our Agent whom since we dare trust in the head of our business in Bengal, we are resolved to trust him thoroughly.”00 The Court of Committees had given Charnock extraordinary powers “because we are abundantly satisfied and given him ample power and authority thaf he may with or without the 20 JOB CHARNOCK advice or consent of his Council place or displace any of his Council of Bengal, or any other of our servants there at his discretion, without giving any reason to his so doing to any but ourselves, which is an authority we have not formerly given to any Agent in Bengal”.61 This power of attorney given to him a year later (1693) was too late for its effective utilisation. “We have given and do give such an absolute authority to Mr. Job Charnock during his life or until our further order, that he may right us and himself upon any negligent or unfaithful servants in a summary way”,62 wrote the Court. The only occasion on which the Court censured his conduct was the skirmish at Hooghly. The language used on this occasion is this: “We see no cause to find fault with Mr. Charnock’s sincerity to our interest, and only wish he were as good a soldier as he is [for ought we see, by long experience of him] a very honest merchant”,...63 He was not answerable to the abortive expedition to Chittagong. His uncompromising character was responsible for Char- nock’s failure to earn the goodwill of his superiors on the spot and the confidence of his own staff. “He would not stir a finger to secure the goodwill of his fellowmcn, nor even take the trouble to show his best side to the Directors. They recognised his worth and called him honest, for he was one of the very few who abstained from private trade, and after thirty-eight years in their service died a comparatively poor man”, says a historian.64 The confidence Job Charnock enjoyed from the Court of Committees and their estimate of him are at variance with the accounts left of him by his superiors on the spot. He had to cross swords with all his superiors in India, none of whom JOB CHARNOCK 21 escaped the wrath of the Court. Sir Streynsham Master, Matthias Vincent, William Hedges, Captain Heath and others who opposed Charnock were all disgraced by the Court. He disobeyed the orders of his superiors in India with impunity, if ihey were against the inteiests of his employers. There had been few Englishmen who had so interested Ihemselves in the social, cultural and political affairs of India, as did Job Ciarnock in the 1 7th century. He knew Bengal and Bihar by hcait. He was the first Englishman to detect the decay of Aurangzeb’s empire. One of his letters to the Bay Council says : “ . the whole kingdom lying in a very miserable feeble condition, the great ones plundering and robbing the feebler, and no order nor method of Government amongst them. The king’s hookim (hookum) is of as small value as an ordinary Governor’s”.66 He says elsewhere: “...Had it been another King, as Shah Jahan, whose phirmand06 and Hasbullhookims6 7 were of such great force and binding that none dare to offer to make the least exception against any of them, it might have seemed somewhat reasonable ; but with this King Oramshaw it js contrary, none uf which in the least (carry ?) fear with the people, all his Governors making small accompt thereof”.68 Who would have thought of Aurangzeb’s authority in 1678 so lightly ? Patna was the gateway to Bengal during the Moghul days and Charnock’s stay at Singhiya enabled him to gather all political intelligence, which he passed on to the authorities in India, who in their turn, transmitted the news to the Court -of Directors. He knew the weakness of the Moghul officials and bribed them liberally to further the interests of the Com- pany. He had easy access to the Nawab of Bihar from whom he learnt the political developments in the Moghul empire. 22 JOB CHARNOCK Charnock was also instrumental in hushing up 'the Junk affair of Mir Jumla in ihe early stages. He was present at the crucial negotiations with Mir Jumla on some occasions.00 But for his sagacity, the nascent English trade in Bengal would have been written off. His knowledge of the Persian was the greatest asset to the London Company. His ‘Moore’s fashion’ also won him the respect of the Moghul officials on the spot, Thomas Bowrey,70 the sailing master of repute, who visited Bengal on three differ- ent occasions and lived in these parts for quite a long time, has this much to say about Job Charnock : “The English Chief (by name) Job Charnock hath lived here (Patna) many years and hath learned the Persian (or Court ) Languages as perfect as any Persian borne and bread ; and hath lived wholy after their custome [save in his Religion], by which he hath obtain’d vast priviledges, and the love of the Grandees that Sway the Power of the King- dome, and is dayly admitted into the Nabob’s presence”. John Marshall,71 who may be considered the first Indologist, was one of the subordinates of Job Charnock in Patna from 1670 to 1672. He arrived in India on September 11, 1668 and died ar Balasore on August 31, 1677. His study of Indian antiquities and Sanskrit literature was entirely due to the inspiration he received from Job Charnock. He has always taken Charnock as an authority on various Indian subjects and quotes his views in his manuscript notes. Marshall has quoted the views of Charnock on Indian Astronomy. He has reprodu- ced the place of the planets according to Charnock’s scheme. Charnock took a lively interest in the customs and manners of the people. JOB CHARNOCK 23 Most of the historians have painted Charnock as an im- perfectly educated, coarse and wilful, strong man, who spent most of his life in almost isolated positions among natives and was tinged with native thoughts, habits and action. According to one, he represented a block of rough-hewn British man-hood. He was not at all a beautiful personage, perhaps for the founders of England’s greatness in India were not such as wear soft raiment and dwell in king’s houses, but a man who had a great and hard task to do and who did it with small thought of self and with a resolute courage which no danger could daunt, nor any difficulties turn aside.72 CHARNOCK’S NATIVE WIFE There is only one reference in the East India Company’s records about Job Charnock’s wife and no allusion has been made of this native lady in any of the surviving private letters. He is perhaps the only Englishman whose name was not associated with any scandal.73 Before we attack the views of Hedges and Alexander Hamilton, let us view the matter dispas- sionately. The absence of Charnock’s wife’s name in any of the official correspondence or in his will or in the baptismal register of his daughters is construed as an evidence that the lady must have been a native. The absence of Charnock’s wife’s name in his will can be easily explained from the fact that she was dead by 1692. Hamilton’s gossip about the Sati took deep root as nobody ever cared to judge the worth of the statements of this adventurer before Sir Henry Yule. There is some ground to suggest that Charnock’s wife commanded respect from the English society at home and in 24 JOB CHARNOCK Calcutta, as there was no stigma attached to his daughters and they found respectable Englishmen in the Company’s service as their husbands. Mary, eldest daughter of Charnock, was the wife of Charles Eyre, who succeeded the founder. Catherine was the wife of Jonathan White, who was Secretary to the Bengal Council. Elizabeth married William Bowridge (who died in 1724), who was a senior merchant. The regular correspon- dence74 Mrs. Eyres and Mrs. White maintained with the elite of the English society in London is an indication that they enjoyed good social status. The Company’s factors were not allowed to bring their wives to India during the first few decades of the establishment of the Bengal factories as there was no provision for married accommodation and English ladies were unable to withstand the rigours of six months of sea voyage in those days. Conse- quently, there were few English ladies in Bengal till the foundation of Calcutta. At Fort St. George, Andrew Cogan, Agent Henry Greenhill and Sir Thomas Chamber, and Edward Winter at Balasore, had found wives among the Portuguese inhabitants.76 Ralph Cartwright,76 who extended the Com- pany’s commerce from Masulipatnam to Hariharpur in Orissa in 1633, was detected in an intrigue with the wife of a Muhammedan dwelling next door to the English house at the latter place. Gabriel Boughton77 who got Shah Shuja’s Nishan for bringing the English from Hariharpur to Hooghly, was married to a eMogullana\ Boughton’s widow next married William Pitt, an interloper. She was remarried by Richard Moseley. Richard Edwards,78 and a few others had either native wives or formed liaison with them. Since this was the custom among the Englishmen of the day, and there is no mention of any lady’s name who arrived in Bengal as the wife of Job JOB CHARNOCK 25 Charnock from 1666 to 1678, we must concede that he must have had a native wife. Since Katherine, youngest daughter of Job Charnock, died aged 19 on January 21, 1701, she must have been born in 1682. Charnock must have married the native lady before or in 1678 as Katherine had two elder sisters. We must allow a period of 18 months for the spacing of children. Let us now see what William Hedges has to say about Charnock’s native wife. Hedges was at Dacca from October 25, 1682 to December 15, 1682. While he was at Dacca, he notes in his Diary under date “Dec. 1 (1682). I sent James Price to Ray Nunde- lalTs. This morning A Gcntoo sent by Bulchund, Governor of Hugly and Cassumbazar, made complaint to me that Mr, Charnock did shamefully, to ye great scandall of our Nation, keep a Gentoo woman of his kindred, which he has had these 19 years; and that, if 1 would not cause him to turn her away, he would lament of it to the Nabob, which, to avoid further scandall to our Nation, with fair words I prevailed with ye poor fellow to be pacified for ye present. “I was further informed, by this and divers other persons, that when Mr. Charnock lived at Pattana, upon complaint made to ye Nabob that he kept a Gentoo’s Wife [her husband being still living, or but lately dead], who was run away from her husband and stolen all his money and jewels to a great value, the said Nabob sent 12 Souldiers to seize Mr. Charnock ; but he escaping [or bribing ye men] they took his Vekeel and kept him 2 months in prison, ye Souldiers lying all this while at ye Factory gate, till Mr. Charnock compounded the business for Rupees 3000 in money, 5 Pieces of Broad Cloth, and some swordblades. 26 JOB CHARNOCK Such troubles as these he has had divers time? at Cassum- bazar, as I am credibly informed ; and whenever she or Mr. Charnock dyes, ye pretence will certainly lye heavy on ye Company”.79 Hedges’ visit to Dacca is corroborated by the Dacca Diaries.80 According to Dacca Diaries, “the Rt. Worpil the Agent etc. Councill arrived here this morning” on October 25, 1682. Though Charnock was one of the Council of Hedges, both of them were at loggerheads since the day of the arrival of the Agent. Hedges himself notes in his diary : “July 20 (1683)... Continuing my discourse with the said Mr. Harding, I desired to know the reason why Mr. Charnock was so cross to me, and thwarting every thing, 1 proposed or did for the Hon’ble Company’s service? who replied, ‘Mr. Charnock had no other reason for his so doing, but that he looked upon himself as disobliged by you at your first arrival, for not turning out Mr. Catchpoole at his request, and was thereupon resolved to blast and frustrate all your actions and proceedings as much as he could, and never to counsel or assist you more as long as he lived”.81 (Orthography modernised). It is to be remembered that Hedges kept the diary to vindi- cate his own actions rather than to record the day-to-day business affairs of the Company. Even though he was one of the “Committees”, he was dismissed by the Court vide their des- patch of December 21, 1683 for opening and detaining a letter from John Beard to Sir Josiah Child, the Governor of the Company. Since Hedges was a sworn enemy of Charnock, we cannot give any credence to his stories. He entered these malicious gossips about Charnock in his Diary in order to JOB CHARNOCK 27 discredit the ‘ancient servant' of the Company. Moreover, Hedges contradicts himself by giving two irreconcilable stories by one and the same person. We should leave out the hyperboles and concur with Hedges that Charnock had a native wife. Captain Alexander Hamilton, H 2 whose reminiscences extend over five and thirty years, was a master of gossip. The historical value of his New Account of the East Indies must, however, be weighted with his distinct confession that 6 these observations have been mostly from the store house of my memory and are the amusements or lucubrations of the nights of two winters' and again, that *h If I had thought while I was in India of making mv observations or remarks public and to have had the honour of presenting them to so noble a patron " — ii> the Duke of Hamilton, to whom the work is dedicated — M / had certainly been more careful and curious m my collections , and of keeping memorandums to have made the work more complete ”.8 3 The interloping Captain, Hamilton, has never said a good word for anyone it he could help it and had a most powerful tieasury of scandals at his command. The Company's records arc all extant during the stay of this adventurer and most of his statements have been contradicted by official records. Let us reproduce what he has to say, about Charnock, as it is a good fiction for reading.^1 + ..Mr. CHANNOCK choosing the Ground of the colony, where it now is, reigned more absolutely than a Rujah , only he wanted much of their Humanity, for when any poor ignorant Native transgressed his Laws, they were sure to undergo a severe whipping for a Penalty, and the Execution was generally done when he was at Dinner, so near his Dining-room that the Groans and Cries of the poor Delinquents served him for Music. 28 JOB CHARNOCK “ The Country about being overspread with *Pa%anism, the Custom of Wives burning with their Deceased Husbands is also practised here. Before the Mogul's war, Mr. CHAN- NOCK went one time with his ordinary guard of Soldiers, to see a young Widow act that tragical Catastrophe, but he was so smitten with the Widow’s Beauty, that he sent his Guards to take her by Force from her Executioners, and conducted her to his own Lodgings. They lived lovingly many Years, and had several Children ; at length she died, after he had settled in CALCUTTA, but instead of converting her to Christianity , she made him a Proselyte to Paganism, and the only part of Christianity that was remarkable in him, was burying her decently, and he built a Tomb over her, where all his Life after her Death he kept the anniversary Day of her Death by sacrificing a Cock on her Tomb, after the Pagan Manner ; this was and is the common Report, and I have been credibly informed, both by Christians and Pagans who lived at CALCUTTA under his Agency, that the Story was really Matter of Fact.” No doubt, Hamilton’s story of the Hindu widow is probably another version of the more scandalous one recorded by Hedges. We should thank Hamilton for making Job Charnock rescue a Brahmin widow from committing sati and living with her for his whole life, without committing adultery or bigamy. The writings of William Hedges and Captain Alexander Hamilton have influenced generations of Englishmen and Indians alike. Even historians have not hesitated to take Hamilton’s gossip as their gospels. Though Hedges’ statements are more damaging than that of Hamilton, very few have been influenced by them. Since Hamilton’s book has served as a vade-mecum on India for the past three centuries and a half, it JOB CHARNOCK 29 is difficult to dislodge the prejudice he has generated against Charnock among the readers of historical treatises. The only reference in the Company’s reeords8 6 about Char- nock’s wife comes in an altogether different context and there is no malice or rancour attached to it. From an imperfect letter, dated “Hugly, the 16th Nov. 1600 (1700)” to the Court of the English Company, Sir Edward Littleton and his Council at Calcutta, replying among manifold subjects, to certain remarks or orders of the Court regarding marriages with natives, wrote : “ ...taking JENTUES meets often into great trouble alsoe, tho’ but very poor people having all of them Husbands very early, who tho’ they cohabit not, yet on such oacasion apply to the Government where its never ended but with great charge and trouble. As in the Case of Mr. JOB CHARNOCK and the Woman hee kept tho’ of a meane Cast, and great poverty, which occasioned Great trouble and Charge to the Company a long while at PATTANA, and afterwards some alsoe at CASS1MBUSSAR ” Edward Littleton was nominated Factor on October 13, 1670, and arrived in India in 1671, and was in 1679 Chief of Kasimbazar factory. He was one of the Directors of the New or English East India Company and proceeded in 1699 to Bengal as President of the Bay factories.- Littleton had no particular reason to malign the character of the Founder of Calcutta and in fact knew Charnock well as he was in Kasim- bazar for a long time. As his statement about Charnock’s native wife comes out spontaneously, without meaning any offence to the departed soul, we should accept it with all the respect it deserves. 30 JOB CHARNOCK Sir Edward Littleton’s statement demolishes Hamilfon’s myth of Sati and Hedges’ imputation of Charnock’s living in adultery. Our own conclusion is that Job Charnock had married an Indian lady, who was not of high caste, in the year 1678 or a little earlier and they led a contended conjugal life. Though Moorehouse80 and Doig87 have given Charnock’s wife a name— Maria— on their own authority, let us remember that they are journalists and they have such freedoms. Bengali fiction writers like Dr. Pratap Chunder Chunder88 and Mr. Subodh Ghose89 have also given Mrs. Charnock their own names — Angela and Lila — indeed beautiful names. Since we have neither the freedom of journalists nor the imagination of fiction writers, let the lady remain anonymous till we come across any official record. CHARNOCK AND PAGANISM Before examining the charge of Paganism ascribed by Hamilton to Charnock, let us remember that the founder of Calcutta was a person who was guided by strong moral sense throughout his dealings with the people of Bengal and Bihar. He must have abhorred the ghastly custom of self-immolation of widows at the funeral pyre of their late husbands. To marry a Sati and live with her for the rest of her life is no mean an achievement since there was possibility of endangering one’s life and property. Perhapas Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar owes a deep debt of gratitude to Job Charnock for his supposed mag- nanimity, if we give credence to Hamilton. Whatever may be the fact, his nobility of mind did not allow him to convert his Indian wife to Christianity. Instead, she made him a proselyte to ‘Paganism’ according to Hamilton. Since Dr. Wise90 has dealt with the worship of Five Saints, for which the sacrifice of cocks is an adjunct, we shall not make any digression here. JOB CHARNOCK 31 Paganism was not Charnock’s creed, as is alleged by Hamilton. We have already quoted the testimony of Master Thomas Bowrey. Charnock’s laith in Christianity was unshaken, though he professed religious toleration. During his stay in Madras from March 17, 1689 to July 1690, he took opportunity to baptise his three daughters, Mary, Elizabeth and Katherine. The entry in the baptismal register of St. Mary’s Church (Madras) reads: “August 1 9th, 1689. Charnock, Mary, Elizabeth and Katherine, daughters of Job Charnock, baptised by J. Evans. Francis Ellis, Godfather, Ann Seaton and Margery Heathfield, Godmothers91”. This entry in the church records absolves Charnock of the imputation of heathenism and is an incontrovertible proof that he remained a Christian throughout his life92. The omission of the name of the mother is significant. It shows that Charnock was never legally married to his Hindu wife. She was alive during his skirmish with the Moghul faujdar at Hooghly. Neither the name of this virtuous lady, nor her pedigree has come down to the posterity. The allegation that Charnock was cruel in dealing with his servants and natives is also baseless. He was a disciplinarian and could not tolerate chicanery. Yule says : “That Job was too apt to use the whip is, we fear to be traced even now under his own hands, but it does not follow that he delighted to feast his ears with the cries of the delinquents. (In a letter from the Council at Hugli to that at Balasore dated June 3, 1686, there is a postscript which Yule takes to be in Charnock’s own writing : “ If the peons come in five days, give them 4 annas buxees ; if they stay longer chawbuck, and for the future the hour when dispeeded is in the backside, we expect the same from you93”). 32 JOB CHARNOCK We must remember that Charnock’s postscript just quoted above by Yule was penned at a time when the war with the Moghuls was at its zenith and slackness on the part of a peon during such an emergency which threatened the very existence of the Company in Bengal would have been an invitation to disaster and doom. Charnock was the last person to use the whip indiscriminately. In personal life Job Charnock was perhaps the most kind- hearted man, for he does not forget to earmark legacies to his native servants. We quote from his will : “Tenthly I give and bequeath to Budlydasse (Badli Das) one hundred rupees and the meanest sort of my sonns Cloathes lately deceased”. “Eleventhly I give and bequeath to the Doctor now attending me fifty Rupees”. “Twelfthly I give and bequeath to my Servants Gunny- shams ( Ghanashyam ) and Dallub ( Dalab ) each, twenty Rupees 94”. The tone and tenderness and considerate affection which runs through the testament places the obdurate old pioneer’s character in a new light. We shall not stop to canvass the charge of cruelty brought against him by Hamilton, an inter- loper who hated the Company’s servants for checking his illicit trade, and slandered them ; nor the stories told by his ungener- ous successor of his last years, when his vigour and faculties declined. He had, no doubt, the faults born of unrestricted power and isolated stations of command. But his career attests that Job Charnock was a valiant and true servant, who for the good of his country set at nought all risks and sufferings, says JOB CHARNOCK 33 G. W. Forrest,95 who calendered in India all surviving records pertaining to the East India Company during the 17th century. CHARNOCK MAUSOLEUM The unostentatious massive octagonal structure with its serrated parapet and crowned with a domed kiosk surmounted by an urn in the north east corner of the St. John’s Churchyard90 enshrines the earthly remains of Job Charnock. The sarasenic architectural style of the monument apparently betrays the internment of an Englishman inside the tomb. Since he was the first English ‘Nabob', the mausoleum fits in well with his habits and temperament. A number of tombstones are fixed on the inside wall of this oldest piece of masonry97 with its crumbling stucco and peeling plaster in Calcutta. Among them is a granite slab, probabh brought from far off Pallavaram98 in Tamil Nadu, containing a long Latin inscription, the top of which reads : D.O.M Jobus Charnock, Armiger Anglus, et nup in hoc regno Bengalensi dignissim, Anglorum Agens. Mortalitatis suae exuvias sub hoc marmore deposuit ut in spe beatae resurrection is ad Christi Judicis adventum obdormirent. Qui postquam in solo non Suo peregrinatus esset dice. Reversus est domum suae aeternitatis decimo die ltith Januurii 1692. 3— 34 JOB CHARNOCK (May the Lord remember the dead. Job Charnock, an English Gentleman, and lately in this most worthy kingdom of Bengal, Agent of the English, has deposited the remains of his mortality beneath this marble, that they may rest in the hope of the blessed resurrection unto the coming of Christ, the judge ; who, after he had wandered abroad on soil not his own, returned to the home of his eternity on the 10th January, 1692 (1693)." The chaplain who penned the above epitaph and baptised the Charnock girls (Mary, Elizabeth and Katherine) was the famous John Evans,100 afterwards Bishop of Bangor and latterly Bishop of Meath, the premier Bishopric of Ireland. Evans and his wife accompanied Job Charnock after the abandonment of Hooghly, took part in the perilous and gallant occupation of malarious Hijili and after a brief return to Sutanati, and then fared to Madras with Charnock’s party, when old Job was superseded by Captain Heath. It was while he was waiting for an opportu- nity of his final return to Bengal that his daughters were baptised by his old friend chaplain Evans. Mrs. Seaton and Mrs. Heathfield, who were the godmothers of Charnock’s daughters for baptism, were Madras ladies. The latter was the widow of Robert Fleetwood and the former was the wife of Captain Francis Seaton, who commanded the garrison at Madras. Ellis, who stood sponsor, was Job’s old friend and a member of his Council.1 0 1 Evans, the chaplain who baptised the little girls, was a Welshman ; he had been attached to Charnock’s party for some time. He might, of course, at any time, have performed the ceremony at Hooghly or Kasimbazar, although there was no church at either place. But the worries and anxieties of JOB CHARNOCK 35 life were sufficient to prevent Charnock from paying any attention to domestic matters, and it was not till he reached the Port at Madras that he had leisure to think about such religious rites ; even then it is more than probable that Elihu Yale, the Agent of the Company at Madras, who so frequently interested himself in such affairs, suggested the ceremony.102 The Padre did not accompany Charnock on the latter’s return, but remained at Madras for some time, and devoted himself so much to the commercial interests of certain adven- turers, who were seriously challenging the Company’s monopoly, that he is actually described by the Court as the “ quondont minister but late great merchant”. In 1693 the Madras Council warned Sir John Goldsborough that Evans was once more on his way to Sutanati “justly suspecting the buissy pollitick Padre goes on ill designes, to the prejudice of the Rt. Hon’ble C ompany’s affairs”.103 There is no doubi that the Charnock mausoleum is a family tomb. Besides the founder of Calcutta, who lies buried inside the monument, his native wife must be sharing the same grave, though no proof is forthcoming for this from official records. Mrs. Charnock died some time after the final return of Charnock to Sutanati on August 24, 1690. Probably she died in the middle of 1691. The mausoleum was erected by Charnock’s son-in-law, Charles Eyre, in the latter part of 1697 and early part of 1698. There is no record *o show that the tomb was erected at the expense of the Company, but it appears to have been done so from the fact that it was repaired by the Public Works Department in 1892. Besides the Charnocks, their eldest daughter Mary and her only infant brother also share the mausoleum. The lower 36 JOB CHARNOCK portion of the tombstone of Job Charnock also*contains the epitaph of Mary Charnock. It reads : Partier jacet MARIA, JOBI PRIMOGENITA, CAROLl EYRE ANGLORUM HICCE, PRAEFECTJ CONJUX CHARIS- SIMA, QUAE OBIIT 19 DIE FEBRUAR1I A.D. 1696 (97). (Beside him lies Mary, the first-born daughter of Job, most beloved wife of Charles Eyre of England, who died on the 19th day of February A.D. 1696/7). “ A close inspection of this slab and the comparison of the lettering of the two inscriptions make it abundantly plain that they are not contemporaneous works, but that the lower half of the slab has been purposely left blank to receive such an inscription as it now exhibits. Thus the mausoluem with originally one epitaph must have been completed some time prior to the year 1697, and the addition made to it prior to the early part of 1698, when Mr. Eyre returned home, for it is to be presumed, from the terms of the epitaph, that he was at the time it was written actually ‘perfect to the English’. It is true that he returned in 1700 and for a few months resumed his former charge, but it was with the title of knighthood, which does not distinguish his name in the epitaph.”104 Charnock’s second daughter, Elizabeth,105 married William Bowridge, and was living in Calcutta within two years of the tragedy of the Black Hole. Jonathan White bequeathed her and her daughter — also an Elizabeth — Rs. 50 for memorial rings, and concluded his will “that my daughter Katharine be sent for England for education with good attendance and provision for soe tender an infant the voyage, and that the executors accept JOB CHARNOCK 37 of soe good an opportunity to accompany her aunt Bowridge, if she goes for England in two years time ; otherwise that the child goe by such good commanders of a ship as my Executors shall see fitting, others if it shall please God the child arrive in England is to be committed to my Couzin Mary Hungerford and my brother, to whose care and guardianship jointly with my brother William White I recommend the child during her murage”. The date of this will is November 14, 1704, but among the passengers carried by the Heathcote from Bengal in January 1715 is to be found “Mrs. Elizabeth and Sarah Bowridge as per order of the Court 24th December 1714”. Elizabeth had a son named William on whose behalf Sir Charles Eyre wrote from Kew : — To Hon’ble Court of Directors of East India Company. Gentlemen, My indisposition hinders me from coming to sign as one of the Securytys for my nephew William Bowridge but I do promise to do it when ] am well enough to come to town. Cue Green Charles Eyre. April 25th, 1721 Katherine Charnock, Job's youngest daughter, married Jonathan White, also a servant of the Company. He became Second of Council and died in Calcutta on the 3rd January 1704, three years after the death of his young wife. Katherine also lies buried in St. John’s Churchyard, but not in the same family tomb. Her epitaph reads as follows : 38 JOB CHARNOCK Hie Jacet CATHERINE WHITE Domini Jonathanis White, uxor dilectissima et Tov Makapitov Jobi Charnock filia natu minima ; quae primo In partu et aetatis flore annum agens urum de viginte : Mortem obiit heu ! immaturam 21 Januarii, 1700/1, Siste parumper, Christiane Lector, (Vel quis quis es tandem) ct mecum defle Duram sexus muliebris sortem Qui per elapsa tot annorum millia culpam prim Evae luit Parentis et luet usque ; Dum aeternum stabit, In dolore paries filios” — Genesis III. 16 (Here lies Catherine White, most beloved wife of Lord Jonathan White, youngest daughter of the above Job Charnock, who in her first child-bearing and in the bloom of youth in her 19th year, died, alas, an untimely death on the 21st of January, 1700/1. Stand a while, Christian readers, whoever you may be, and bewail with me the hard lot of the female sex, who through the passage of so many thousands of years, pays the price of the guilt of Eve, her first parent, and shall pay it for ever, while eternal decree shall stand — “In grief shall you bear sons”106 — Genesis, III. 16) Charnock had a son who died as an infant. Charnock’s will states: “Tenthly ... and the meanest of my sonns Cloaths lately deceased”. This shows that Charnock’s Hindu wife must JOB CHARNOCK 39 have given birtha to son after his return from Madras in 1690 and the establishment of Calcutta. Since the boy’s name is not mentioned in the baptismal register (he was not born (hen) he must have been born after Charnock’s return to Sutanati on August 24, 1690; otherwise Charnock would not have used the expression, “my son’s clothes lately deceased”.107 The will is dated January 9, 1692/3. As we have stated earlier, Mrs. Charnock’s name was deliberately omitted from the baptismal register as he was not marcied to her according to Christian rites and he had not converted her to Christianity. She must have been present at Madras during his stay there. We shall conclude this portrait of Charnock by quoting the Rev. H. B. Hyde, the chaplain of St. John's, who took the opportunity in 1892 of ascertaining whether the Father of Cal- cutta had really interred his remains in the mausoleum. There is no doubt that Charnock’s wife must be sharing the mauso- leum with her husband as she was present in the infant settle- ment of Sutanati to give birth to a son to the old Job. Hyde excavated the grave to a depth of four feet in the first instance. It was thereafter opened to a depth of six feet at which the trace of human remains were encountered. He says : “The excavation was somewhat smaller than an ordinary grave and lay E. and W. in the centre of the floor. At the bottom of it the workmen had cleared a level at the western end of which they were beginning to dig a little deeper when a bone became visible. This bone was left in situ , undisturbed, and the digging had ceased on its discovery. On seeing this bone I felt sure it could be no otfeer than one of the bones of the left fore-arm of the person buried which must have laid crossed upon the breast. A little beyond it I observed a small 40 JOB CHARNOCK object in the earth which I took at first for a large coffin nail, but on this being handed up to me it was apparent that it was the largest joint, of probably a middle finger, and that, judging from its position relative to the bone, of the left hand. This bone I replaced. I permitted no more earth to be removed save only a little above and to the east of the remains, suffi- cient to reveal a black stratum in the soil which might have been the decayed coffin-lid. It was quite evident that a few more strokes of the spade would discover the rest of the skeleton, perhaps perfect after just 200 years of burial. There can be no reasonable doubt, but that arguing from the position of the body and the depth at which it lay, it was the very one to enshrine which only the mausoleum was originally built — the mortal part of the Father of Calcutta. “Having seen what I did, I have the grave filled in, for I feared to leave it open lest the coolies might ransack its contents in search of rings or other valuables, and further I felt it improper, in view of the interest which must attach to such investigation, to permit to continue it alone. If it were to be prosecuted at all it should at least be in presence of a represen- tative company of Englishmen. For my own part with the bones of the famous pioneer’s hand accidentally discovered be- fore me, and the strange and solemn statement of his epitaph just above them that he had laid his mortal remains there him- self “ut to spe beatae resurrectionis ad Christi judicis adventum obdormirent ’\108 I felt strongly restrained them further...”. Of course, this does not approve or disprove of the burial of Charnock’s Hindu wife in the same tomb. A wanderer throughout his life, Charnock returned to his eternal home in Sutanati in 1690. Few remember his name in JOB CHARNOCK 41 Calcutta. His name has been erased from the Municipal Corporation’s and other Government records. Charnock’s city has remained a nightmare to planners and historians alike as Charnock himself has remained an enigma to the students of Calcutta’s history. Students of Petrology who study the prob- lem of Charnockite109 seldom realise that the Father of Calcutta, in whose honour the stone has been named, is still abiding in the hope of joyful resurrection at the coming of Christ, the judge (as has been aptly epitaphed by that merchant parson, Rev. John Evans). We shall feel amply rewarded if we have resurrected him from the clutches of myth-makers, gossip- mongers and fiction-writers. REFERENCES AND NOTES 1. ENCYCLOPAEDIA BR1TANNICA (14th Edition, Vol. P. 330, 1973) gives a better account of Charnock. The account given in the 15th Edition (30 Volumes, Chicago, 1974, M1CROPAEDIA, Vol, 11, P. 770) gives a distorted note on Charnock. The contributor of the note seems to have depended upon Alexander Hamilton’s account of the Founder of Calcutta. The picture of Charnock published, for the first time , along with the note, seems be a spurious one. It is stated to have been one after an engraving by T. Trotter (c. 1750-1803), after a portrait by White, from the Mansell Collection. Charnock is portrayed as an Apollo-like youth in typical English dress and fashion. He was not a man of fame when he left England for Bengal. He was an ordinary merchant, and it is on record that he entered the ‘Moore’s fashion’ as soon as he reached the shores of Bengal. The portrait, therefore, is not in consonance with the facts mentioned in any official and contempo- rary records of the 17th century. 42 JOB CHARNOCK 2. Biographical details have been very kindly Supplied by the India Office Records, vide letter FL 2/PN/108 dated August 22, 1974. The Lancashire Archives do not have anything on Job Charnock (Letter No. L. 33 dated May 29, 1974 from R. Sharpe France, County Archi- vist, Lancashire Record Office to the author). 3. The will says he is a ‘yeoman’. Stephen Charnock’s father is confirmed as “an attorney or a Solicitor”. The will does not perhaps elaborate upon the testator himself. Wilts, Prerogative Court of Canterbury , 58 Hyde. 4. EF 1661-64, P. 294 and note 1. 5. Haberdasher — a seller of small wares. 6. Candleweeke street at the east end of “Great Eastchcape” is now known as Cannon Street. 7. COURT MINUTES dated August 3, 1664. 8. The DICTIONARY OF NATIONAL BIOGRAPHY (Edited by Sir Leslie Stephen & Sir Sidney Lee), Oxford, 1950, Vol. IV, P, 134 ; for his Will, WILLS, PCC 92, Bath. 9. The history of this legacy is as follows : The Vestry minutes of the parish of St. Katherine Cree Church for 28 August 1695 include the following entry (Guildhall Library 1196/1, P. 437) “ Whereas Mr. Job Charnock late of East India, merchant, hath given fifty pounds to the poore of this parish, ’tis ordered that in Consideracion of the said fifty JOB CHARNOCK 43 pounds the poore shall have distributed among them three pounds yearely for ever, by two equall payments, viz. upon the 5th of November and the 5th of February yearely”. (Information kindly supplied by Keeper of Manuscripts, City of London Libraries, GUILDHALL LIBRARY, Basinghall Street, London, EC2P 2EJ vide letter CC/GS dated 18th September, 1974. At a subsequent vestry, held on the 1st February, 1699, it was ordered that 16 the £ 50 given to the parish for the use of the poor by Mr. Job Charnock, and the £ 100 given for the like use by Mr. John Jackson should be settled on the house belonging to the parish, situate in Fenchurch Street, and the said house was theieby charged with the repayment thereof, with five per cent, interest, such interest being £ 7. 10 s. to be yearly paid for the use of the poor.” In 1860, the house. No. 91, Fenchurch Street, was let on lease to John Moore for a term of 21 years from Christmas, 1849, at the rent of £ 42 per annum, and Charnock’s £ 2-10-0 interest was carried to the bread account for the distribution of twenty 2 lb. loaves to 20 persons every Sunday. The House No. 91, Fenchurch Street, was taken under the provisions of Michael Angelo Taylor’s Act ( 57 Geo. III. c. XXIX ) and the purchase money was paid into Court and was represented by a sum of £ 1,949-10-8 Consols. By the statement prepared under the City of London Parochial Charities Act, 1883, for the Parish of St. Katherine Cree, this sum is scheduled as the endowment of the Charities of Richard Lingham, Job Charnock and John Jackson, and ty the operation of that Act and the Central Scheme made thereunder, on the 23rd 44 JOB CHARNOCK February, 1891, it was merged in the Central Fund of City Parochial Foundation. ( Information supplied by India Office Records ). 10. Since Stephen was born in 1628, Job’s year of birth may be taken as 1631. The Registers of the Parish of St. Katherine Cree Church do not commence until 1 663, after Job Charnock had departed for India, and therefore could not contain any entries for him. A check of the usual biographical sources for Londonders of this period has also been unsuccessful by the Keeper of Manuscripts, Guildhall Library. 11. Dr. Wilson’s (EARLY ANNALS, I. Pp 142-43) statement that ‘he may have been imperfectly educated’ (after Yule, H. D. II. P. 90 ) is unwarranted. Since Richard Charnock was a solicitor and could give his son Stephen the best education of the day, it is illogical to think that Job was not given the same attention. Unless he had received very liberal education, he would have found it difficult to master Hindu Philosophy, astronomy etc. 12. A number of autographed facsimile letters of Charnock have been reproduced by Sir Henry Yule in the Diary of William Hedges , Vol II. Some more letters may be found in the Diaries of Streynsham Master edited by Sir R. C. Temple. 13. Oliver Cromwell, the Protector, hesitated to grant a fresh monopoly to the London Company and the United Joint Stock virtually ceased to send out capital to India after 1654. (Dod well— The CAMBRIDGE HISTORY JOB CHARNOCK 45 OF INDIA, Vol. V, Pp 94-95 — William Foster’s Chapter IV — ‘The Fast India Company, 1600-1740). In 1657 the principal merchants engaged in the trade, including the interlopers, agreed in desiring the conti- nuance of the Joint Stock system. A new Charter was granted to this resuscitated London East India Company on October 1, 1657. The proprietors of the old Joint Stock had issued instructions to wind up all the Bengal factories in 1655. Maurice Thomson and associates were the principal merchants who were trading in their own name, independent of the old United Stock. He became the Governor of the resuscitated London Company in 1657. 14. EF 1655-60, P. 90. 15. Ken and Sheldon were appointed Chief and second at Kasimbazar respectively on February 27, 1658. Sheldon returned home in 1664. He was the father of the Kasimbazar silk trade. Sheldon continued to be asso- ciated with the Company at home for very many years. He became one of the shareholders ( “adventurers” ) of the Company in 1670 by purchasing stock worth £ 1050. Ken and Sheldon went home together. Ken’s account of the Trade at Kasimbazar may be read in Dr. Wilson’s EARLY ANNALS, Vol I, P 376 ff. 16. H.D. III. Pp. 192-193; O.C. 2673. For a revised trans- cription, see EF 1655-60, P. 195. 17. No factor was recruited without executing a bond, provi- ding sureties. Even as J^te as June 29, 1681 the Agen at Hooghly, Matthias Vincent, wrote to Charnock : 46 JOB CHARNOCK “Mr. Charnock haveing not signed to any bonds and indentures to the Hon’ble Compa. since he left their Service anno 1663 or 1664, and they having severala times pressed his doeing of saide, and have never hitherto reversed that order : however, it has Lain dormant by the omission or forgetful- ness of Mr. Walter Clavell deceased, the late Chiefe of* Bengal. We haveing weighed the thing and do not finde it convenient that soe great a trust as Cossumbazar factory should be reposed any longer in any one’s hands (as Chiefe especially) who, contrary to the Saide Hon’ble Comp, practice with all their servants great and small, is under noe bonds or indentures to them ; we doe therefore herewith send you a blanck bond and indenture eno rdering him, in Psurance (? pursuance) to the Hon’ble Compa. Commands, immedia- tely to sign and seal to them both, and to deliver them soc signed and sealed to Allen Catchpoole and John Theddcr, who are of Council of Cassimbazar factory, to be witnessed by them, and that then he dispeed ( ? dispatch ) them to us by two trusty expresses, and therewith send us a Govt Letter the names of two persons in England he appoints for his security there that we may by the expected shipping accor- dingly advise our Hon’ble Employers, thereof”. (Khan, Shafaat Ahmed — SOURCES FOR THE HISTORY OF BRITISH INDIA in the Seventeenth Century, Ox. U. Press, 1926, P 338). Job Charnock executed the bond (date uncertain) in July 1681 and sent it along with his letter dated 14th of that month. But this Bond is untraceable in the India Office Records. ( “Unfortunately our Factory Records I OR : G/20 — for Hughly do not for some reason include any letters received for 1681 : so I have been unable to locate this bond there. In our series of General Corres- pondence I have traeed two despatches from the Court of JOB CHARNOCK 47 Directors dated 5 January 1681, one to the Chief and Court at Hughly, one to Charnock himself, authorising him to take the position of Chief at Cassambuzar, and to be first in the succession to Hughly-IOR : F/3/89 f 270, 278’' — Vide letter from India Office wto the author dated June 3, 1973). We do not know the names of Charnock’s sureties in England. No mention of this document is made in the Public Des- patches from the Court. It appears that the indenture never reached the Company and the Court did not insist on it. 18. 1 have checked the Court Minutes of these years. 19. H.D. II. P. 45 ; Yule has not given the full reference. It is included in the COURT MINUTES, Vol. XXIV, P. 51 20. H.D. 111. P. 189. 21. EF 1655-60, Pp 190-91. 22. A new translation of Shah Shuja’s Nishan by Maulavi Muhammad Israil Khan, may be read in the ENGLISH FACTORIES IN INDIA, 1655-60, Pp 111-12. The Nishan is dated Sixth April, 1656. 23. It is a common fallacy that Job Charnock at first served at Kasimbazar in 1657/58. The contributor of the note on Charnock in ENCYCLOPAEDIA BR1TANNICA. 15th Edition, also says, ‘he was stationed first at Cossimbazar, now an industrial town north of Calcutta*. 24. H.D. III. Pp 192-93. 25. H.D. III. P. 194 ; O.C. 2690 for full text and EF 1655-60, P. 278 for an extract. 26. H.D. II. P. 45 and note 1. 48 JOB CHAR NOCK 27. & 28. EF 1661-64, P. 393. 29. Latimer, Eardley-HANDBOOK TO CALCUTTA AND ENVIRONS, Second Edition, Calcutta, 1966, P. 3. It is rather strange that a member of the Calcutta Historical Society is committing such blunders (as the statement that “ In the same year -1663— he was appoin- ted Chief of the Company’s factories in Hooghly...)”. Geoffrey Moorehouse ( CALCUTTA, Penguin Edition, P. 29 ) and Desmond Doig ( CALCUTTA : AN ARTIST'S IMPRESSION, Calcutta, 1964, P2) also repeat the mistake. 30. EF 1670-79, Pp 330-31. 31. FACTORY RECORDS, HUGLI, I, P. 13. 32. Public Despatches from England, December 1669, 4 L. B„ Pp 289, 306. 33. H.D. II, P. 46. 34. Balasore Letter to the Court undated ; Factory Records, Hugli, Vol. IV Pp 15-16 ; EF 1670-77, P. 338. 35. Balasore letter to the Court dated 17 and 28th December, 1674 ; Factory Records, Hugli, Vol. IV, P. 36 ; 1670-77, P. 367. 36. O. C. 4044, f. 14 ; EF 1670-77 P. 376. 37. Court’s General letter to Fort St. George dated London 24th December 1675, Para 28, L.B. Vol. 5, Pp 213-235 ; H.D. II, P. 46 ; EE 1670-777, P. 415 38. EF 1670-77, Pp 415 and 423 (notes omitted). 39. Letter from Matthias Vincent & Samuel Harvey dated Dacca September 28, 1678 to Job Charnock ; Fort St. JOB CHARNOCK 49 George Consultation dated 7th August, 1678 (Wednes- day), Para 5. Charnock’s marriage with the Indian lady, in all probability, took place in 1678. See CALCUTTA REVIEW for 1847 reproduced in THE CHARM OF INDIA (edited by Claud Field, London, no year), P 297. This is the reason why he was unwilling to leave Patna or Bengal. 40. Charnock’s refusal discussed at a consultation at Fort St. George on Monday, the 9th (December, 1678), Para 1. ; H.D. II, P. 47 for Charnock’s letter dated 28th October, 1678. 41. Letter from Fort St. George to Matthias Vincent dated July 12, 1679, Para 16. 42. References are not given from here onwards till the end of this Section as the facts are well known and the original records have been printed in the DIARIES OF STREYNSHAM MASTER (edited by R.C. Temple, London, 1911 —2 volumes) and the DIARY OF WILLIAM HEDGES (Vol. II, Pp 45-100) edited by Sir Henry Yule (Hakluyt Society, 1887-95). Dr. C.R. Wilson in his EARLY ANNALS OF ENGLISH IN BENGAL (Vol. 1 ) also gives the facts in a narrative form. We are giving the bare facts in order to give a whole picture of Charnock’s career. 43. Wilson, C.R. — EARLY ANNALS OF THE ENGLISH IN BENGAL, Vol. I, P. 102 ; See also Amarendra Mookerji’s (Edited) GLIMPSES OF THE OLDEN TIMES - INDIA UNDER EAST INDIA COMPANY, CALCUTTA, 1968 where a major portion of EARLY ANNALS (Vol. I) is reproduced. See P. 64 of Mookherji for this quotation. 4— 50 JOB CHARNOCK 44. CALCUTTA REVIEW, Vol. 7, Jan— June, 1847, Pp 259- 60 ; Also see Claud Field (Edited) — The CHARM OF INDIA, Pp 299-7. 45. Wilson, C.R. — EARLY ANNALS, Vol. I, P. 125; Wilson, C.R. — OLD FORT WILLIAM IN BENGAL, London, 1906, Vol. I, Extract No. 5. 46. Wilson, C.R. — EARLY ANNALS, Vol. 1, P. 125 ; G.W. Forrest, ‘Charnock’, BLACKWOOD’S MAGAZINE, June 1902, P. 780 for an original transcript with archaic spellings. 47. O.C. 2211 ; EF 1651-54, P. 48 and O. C. 2210; EF 1651- 54, P. 47. The Lyoness did not proceed farther than Balasore. 48. ‘A Tale of Two Cities’, RUDYARD KIPLING’S VERSE (Inclusive Edition, 1885-1918), London, P.87 49. Court of Committees to the Agent and Council to the Bay of Bengal at Hooghly, dated 24 January 1667, (Repro- duced in the DIARY OF WILLIAM HEDGES, Vol. Ill, P. 199) and EF 1668-69, P 170. 50. Ray, A. K. - A SHORT HISTORY OF CALCUTTA (in CENSUS OF IN DIA 1901 , Calcutta) 1902, P. 16 ; Hunter, W.W. - THACKERAYS IN INDIA, Oxford, 1897, Pp 40-41 51. Wilson — EARLY ANNALS, Vol. I, P 116, 127; Mookerji, P. 79 52. General Letter from Court to Fort St. George dated Febru- ary 15, 1689 (Public Despatches from England, Vol 9, Pp 44-5), Para 33 JOB CHARNOCK 51 53. Last but one para of Court’s letter to Fort George dated September 11, 1689 (Public Despatches from England, Vol. 10, Pp M3) 54. Bruce, John — ANNALS OF THE HONOURABLE EAST INDIA COMPANY FROM THEIR ESTAB- LISHMENT BY THE CHARTER OF QUEEN ELIZA- BETH 1600, TO THE UNION OF LONDON AND ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANIES 1707-1708; London, 1810; Vol. II, Pp 449-50; EF 1678-84, P. 255. Bruce was the historiographer (or the keeper of the records) of the East India Company. 55. Court’s letter dated 18th January, 1681 (82) to the Agent and Council in the Bay (of Bengal), Para 4. 56. Court’s letter dated 18th November 1681 to the Agent and Council in the Bay, Para 2. 57. Court’s letter dated 5th January 1680 (81) to the Agent and ■ Governor and Council at Fort St. George. Para 14 58. Court’s letter dated 3rd January 1693 (94) to the Agent & Council in the Bay ; H D. II P. 89 59. Court’s General Letter to Fort St George dated February 15, 1689 (Public Despatches from England, Vol 9. Pp 24-32) ; Para 17 ; H.D, II. P. 286 60. Court’s General Letter to Bengal dated 27th August 1688 (Public Despatches from England, Vol. 9, Pp 24-32), Para 17; H.D. II. P. 286 61. Court’s Instructions to SirMohn Goldsborough dated February 29, 1692, Para 3 ; H.D. II. P. 157 52 JOB CHARNOCK 62. Court’s letter to Bengal dated April 10, 1693 ; *H. D. P. 263 63. Court’s letter to Fort St. George dated 28th September, 1687 (Public Despatches from England, Vol. 8, Pp 1 SI- 204) Para 14. 64. Penny, Mrs. Frank — FORT ST. GEORGE, London, 1900 Ch. XII P. 121 65. Charnock’s letter dated July 6, 1678 to the Hooghly Council ; H.D. II. P. 46 66. Farman — an imperial rescript 67. Ffasbul hukum — An order issued by the Emperor by word of mouth. 68. Charnock’s letter dated July 21, 1678 to the Hooghly Council; H.D. II. P. 46 69. Home Misc. Vol. XXXVI, P. 28. Ken’s statement that he along with Charnock visited Mir Jumla’s camp in July 1661. 70. Bowrey, Thomas — A GEOGRAPHICAL ACCOUNT OF COUNTRIES ROUND THE BAY OF BENGAL, 1669 to 1679 (Edited by R.C. Temple), Hakluyt Society, London, 1905, P. 224 71 . Khan, Shafaat Ahmad — JOHN MARSHALL IN INDIA, 1668-1672, Ox. U P., 1927, P. 217 72. Hunter, W.W. - THACKERAYS IN INDIA, Oxford, 1897, Pp 21-52 73. Contemporary Englishmen who have lived in, or visited, Patna (Thomas Bowrey and John Marshall) or travel- lers like Richard Bell & John Campbell (TRAVELS IN JOB CHARNOCK 53 THE EAST INDIES, Indian Antiquary , Vol. lor 1906- 1908) Niccolao Manucci (STORIA DO MOGOR, 4 Vols, Calcutta Reprint), 1970, Francois Bernier (TRAVELS IN THE MOGUL EMPIRE, Indian Reprint, New Delhi, 1972), Jean Baptiste Tavernier TRAVELS IN INDIA 2 Vols. Ox U.P. 1926), Monsieur Thevenot, Dr. John Francis Gemelli Careri ( Surendranath Sen — INDIAN TRAVELS OF THEVENOT & CARERI, New Delhi, 1949) and Jovhannes Joughayetti (‘Ledger of.. , JOURNAL OE THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, 1966, Pp 153-186 ) and others have not mentioned anything against Charnock. 74. Letters to Madam Aress ( Eyres ) at ‘Chitty Nutty’ and Madame Katherine Charnock at ‘Chittynutty' by Went- worth & (Sir Henry) Johnson from Blackwall, December 20, 1697 - H.D. II. P. 96 75. EF 1655-60, P. 402 76. EF 1634-36, Introduction, P. 36 77. EF 1655-60, P. 193 78. EF 1670-77, P. 376 last para and note 4 for Edward’s Brahmin mistress. 79. The DIARY OF WILLIAM HEDGES, Vol I, P. 52. Charnock’s marriage and the rescue of the Sati, accor- ding to this statement takes place in 1663. This is evidently wrong because in 1663 and again in 1670 and 1672 he wanted to return home. Since his parents were dead and his only brother was living in oblivion, Charnock would not have thought of returning to 54 JOB CHARNOCK London had he married in 1663, 1670 or 1672. The Nawab of Patna would not have spared Charnock had he lived with a Hindu lady of Brahmin community without marrying her. The story of Charnock’s living in adultery with the wife of a ‘Gentoo’ and the troubles he had to face is unfounded as there are no strictures against him in the letters of the Court. No scandal has been reported against Charnock in the extant private correspondence and the accounts left by his contem- poraries. 80. Rankin, J.T. - ‘Dacca Diaries’, JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vol. XVI (1920), Pp 91-158 81. H.D.I.P. 102 82. Hamilton, Alexander — A NEW ACCOUNT OF THE EAST INDIES, Edinburgh 1727 & 1744 (Edited by William Foster, 2 Vols, London, 1930). The quotations are from his original edition. See Foster’s Edition, Vol. II, P. 5 for these quotations. 83. The DICTIONARY OF NATIONAL BIOGRAPHY, Vol. VIII, P. 1017 for Hamilton. 84. Hamilton makes the venue of the Sati at Hooghly and not at Patna. The rescue of the Sati takes place before the ‘Mogul’s war’ and not at Patna , according to the Captain. Yule (H.D. II. P. 91), says that “it is not likely that a European at Patna, or elsewhere in the country, would have ventured in those days to abduct a sati widow from the pyre”. The BENGAL OBITUARY (Calcutta, 1848, P. 2) simply follows Hamilton. The JOB CHARNOCK 55 sati story is discredited by all. Let us see what Holwell has to say in this respect : “It has been already remarked in a marginal note that the Gentoo women are not allowed to burn, with- out an order of leave from the Muhammedan Govern- ment, it is proper also to inform our readers that this privilege is never withheld from them. There has heen instances known when the victim has, by Europeans, been forceably rescued from the pile ; it is currently said and believed (how true we will not aver) that wife of Mr. Job Charnock was by him snatched from sacrifice ; be this as it may, the outrage is considered by the Gentoos , an atrocious, and wicked violation of their sacred rites, and privileges’. ( John Zepaniah Holwell - HISTORICAL TRACTS, Part 11, P.99; London, 1774). 85. O.C. 7200; H.D. II, P. 209 where Littleton’s letter is quoted. 86. Moorehouse, Geoffrey — CALCUTTA (Penguin Edition, 1974), P. 29 87. Doig, Desmond—CALCUTTA : AN ARTIST’S IMPRES- SION, Calcutta, 1970 (?), P. 2 88. Chunder, Dr. Pratap Chunder — CH ARNOCKER BADHU (Charnock’s Wife, in Bengali), Calcutta. 89. Ghose, Subodh — KIMBADADANTIR DESHE, Calcutta (Story of Lila and Charnock) 90. JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vol. LXII1, Part III, No. 1 (1894) for Dr. Wise’s article. 56 JOB CHARNOCK 91. Penny— FORT St. GEORGE, P. 125 and BENGAL PAST & PRESENT, Vol II, P. 82 for a photostat copy of this particular page of this baptismal register. Also see G.W. Forrest, ‘ Charnock ’, BLACKWOOD S MAGAZINE, 1902, P.781. 92. Chatterton Eyre - HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND IN INDIA, London, 1924, P. 67. Chatter- ton asks : “May we not hope that the words of the epitaph in his Mausoleum in St. John’s Church-yard, Calcutta, in which it is stated that he is buried as a Christian according to his expressed wish — represent what he really was in God’s sight?” 93. H.D II. P. 91 94. Wills, P.C.C. 91 Irby. 95. Forrest, G.W. — ‘Charnock’, BLACKWOOD’S MAGA- ZINE, June 1902 Pp 771-782. 96. For St. John’s Church read Elliot Walter Madge’s ILLUSTRATED HANDBOOK TO ST. JOHN’S, Cal- cutta, 1909. St. John’s was the old Cathedral, till St. Paul’s was built. 97. This is the oldest piece of masonry in Calcutta. The tomb of Bezabeeheh, “the wife of the late charitable Sookias, who separated from this world to life eternal on the 21st day of Nakha in the year 15” (i.e. July 1630) at St. Nazareth Church (Armenian) is an anachronism as the settlement of Sutanati was established by Charnock in 1690 only. The Armenians settled in Sutanati immed- iately after the establishment of Calcutta. There is a difference between a tombstone and a masonry JOB CHARNOCK 57 structure. A Chinese inscribed slab (dated A.D. 1652) was discovered from the St. John’s Churchyard in 1886 and fortunately no Chinese has come forward to claim Sutanati as a Chinese settlement long before Charnock established it. The tombstone of the Armenian lady must have come from elsewhere as is the Chinese inscribed slab. 98. Holland, Thomas H — ‘ The Petrology of Job Charnock’s Tombstone’ JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vol. LXII, Part II (1893) Pp 162-64 99. 1 am indebted to the Ven’ble Basil Manuel, the then Archdeacon of Calcutta for getting the epitaphs of Job Charnock and his daughters, Mary and Catherine, translated by the Rev. K.N. Jennings, the then Vice — Principal of the Bishop’s College, Calcutta, in October 1964. 100. Penny, Ibid, P. 126 ; H.D. II, Pp 130-132; Chatterton, Ibid, Pp 65-68. 101 . Penny, Ibid, P. 125 and note 102. Penny, Ibid, P.126 103. Firminger, W.K. — ‘A Page from the Baptismal Register of St. Mary’s, Fort St. George, BENGAL PAST & PRESENT, Vol. II, P. 83 104. Quoted by Firminger in BENGAL PAST & PRESENT, Vol. II, P. 83 105. We follow Firminger here. 106. English translation by Rev K.N. Jennings. 58 JOB CHARNOCK 107. G.W. Forrest adds: The will was “Witnd. Jonathan White, Francis Houghton — Jon Hill 12 June 1695, Commrs. To Robert Dorrell, Attorney deputed by Mary Charnock (now at Bengali in the East Indies) the natural and lawfull daughter and one of the Executors named in the Will of Job Charnock late of Bengali afsd. dec. to admr. during the absence and to the use of the said Mary Charnock — Daniel Sheldon the other Excr. having renounced.” 108. PROCEEDINGS OF THE ASTATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, January-December 1893, P. 78-83 109. Holland, Ibid 110. The father of Calcutta died a poor man on January 10, 1693, leaving the management of the struggling settle- ment of Sutanati in. the hands of Francis Ellis. His thatched house near the river bank caught fire on the night of December 11, 1694, and the contents were auctioned for Rs. 575, leaving no trace of it. — Wilson — OLD FORT WILLIAM IN BENGAL, Vol. I, London, 1906, December 19, 1694— March 1694-95/April 8 1694/ 96, Pp 15-16. Lord Curzon’s statement (BRITISH GOVERNMENT IN INDIA, Vol. II, P. 2) that Char- nock's house was at Barrackpore evidently rests on oral tradition recorded in the BENGAL OBITUARY (Cal- cutta, 1848. P. 2). There is no doubt that the erstwhile name of Barrackpore was Chanak or Channock (Court’s letter to Chief and Council in the Bay dated 12th December, 1677 sent by the ship Nathaniel, para 47, makes mention of Channock ; Also see H.D. III. 200). See Note on Page 99 of H.D. II. for a discussion and demolition of this myth. JOB CHARNOCK 59 Abbreviations EF = ENGLISH FACTORIES IN INDIA upto 1669 (13 vols) edited by Sir William Foster and subsequent four volumes edited by Sir Charles Fawcett. Oxford 1906- 1955. H.D. = DIARY OF WILLIAM HEDGES ; Vol. I. edited by T. Barlow and Vols II & III edited by Sir Henry Yule for Haklyut Society, 1887-1895. Court = Governor and Committees ( = Directors ) of the London East India Company. COURT MINUTES = A CALENDAR OF THE COURT MINUTES ETC. OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 1635-79 By Ethel Bruce Sainsbury, 8 Vols, Oxford, 1906-27. O.C. — ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE series of Records in the India Office. JOB CHARNOCK By Philip Woodruff Madras was the first of the three Presidencies to claim sovere- ignty, and the first to be chartered — in 1687 — as a Municipal Corporation with a Mayor’s Court. If its President and Council were also the first to develop some sense of responsibility to the people they ruled, it was perhaps partly due to their com- parative security. Madras had till 1688 no formidable neighbour than the King of Golconda ; but Bombay was menaced by the Marathas, while Calcutta was in the heart of the richest province of the Mogul Empire. The Portuguese as usual had been first in Bengal. But they incurred the anger of Shah Jehan because they not unreasonably held aloof when he rose in arms against his father Jahangir. Once Shah Jehan was firmly on the throne he took his revenge, driving the Portuguese out of Hooghly, massacring the men and carrying off the women. The English crept joyfully into the perilous vacancy thus created. In 1640, the skill of the Company’s physician, Dr Boughton, won them further privileges. There was soon well established at Hooghly a Bay Council, subordinate to the Agent and Council at Madras, having jurisdiction over factories at Bala- sore, Cossimbazar, Patna, Dacca and Singhiya. Their letters and records are preserved and there are the private journals of Streynsham Master and William Hedges. Master had been * From THE MEN WHO RULED INDIA: Vol. I. THE FOUNDERS by Philip Woodruff (Mason) Jonathan Cape, 30 Bedford Square, London, Second Edition, 8th impression, 1963, Pp 70-75. JOB CHARNOCK 61 employed as a young man on the West Coast ; he had been back in England for two years and a half when in 1675 he was selected as a fit and able person to restore order to the settlements on the East Coast. In these the Company suspected, with some justice, that there was not only inattention to business but a good deal of private trade carried on either openly, or what was worse, through interlopers or pirates. Master was a good choice, for he was a born administrator, exact and thorough, painstaking and energetic. He began at once a series of tours up the Madras coast and into Bengal and at station after station composed quarrels, went through the accounts, drew up gradation lists of the Company’s servants in order of seniority, inspected warehouses and buildings, gave orders for repairs and made regulations for the future, only to lind on his next visit that much of the work had to be done again. He had been perhaps a trifle too impatient with those less able and energetic than himself ; he was a little too fond of his own way ; this, and his being attended on his ‘ progress (as we may call it) with such a princely train and charge’ were made excuses in Leadenhall Street for his dismissal, the truth, one may suspect, being simply that he was too able and too masterful. In 1680, a year that will do as well as another, the English in Bengal may be observed to display many of the less pleasant aspects of petty officialdom. There are quarrels about precedence and transfers ; Charnock refuses to keep the books as Second at Hooghly and insists on the place that is his due ; Hervey is rebuked for taking too long on his journey from Hooghly to Patna ; there is the unsavoury business of Thomas, the ware- house-keeper and Third at Hooghly, who ‘having been some time distracted in his wits’ becomes really mad and says the most unpleasant things about his wife’s liking for Vincent, the 62 JOB CHARNOCK First in Council. But behind the quarrels and the pettiness of office is always the relationship with the Moguls, in which there is usually a hint of menace. Aurangzebe had restored the poll-tax on unbelievers and this had to be compounded for. Presents to the Viceroy of Bengal and his subordinates are a continual trouble ; the Viceroy expects a present and so does his diwan or Prime Minister ; there is also the Emperor’s diwan, an official from the central revenue office who since the days of Akbar and Todar Mai has accompanied every Viceroy. There is the Governor and his Minister at Dacca ; in Bihar there is another Viceroy and another hierarchy. And they all have clerks. Persian horses were a favourite present in Bengal ; cordial waters in Madras ; there is a list of acceptable presents thoughtfully sent by the Emperor’s Minister, as a child before a birthday writes to a favourite aunt, which includes : ‘Boxes with clockwork ; China screens with clockwork, both painted and with images ; images and junks that go with clock- work. ... ‘Europe fusees ; one or two small field pieces, guns, etc., will not be amiss...’ Elephants and horses are mentioned en passant but : ‘Good pieces of Ambergrease will do extremely well and ‘Clocks and watches that strike or have chimes you must by all means send...* This was for the Emperor ; in Bengal, however, rupees would usually do extremely well. But the treatment was habit-forming; the dose had to be not only repeated but increased if the JOB CHARNOCK 63 symptoms were not to recur. By an expenditure of fifty thousand rupees, an order had been obtained from the Emperor permitting the Company to trade on terms which would end all difficulties but ; needless to say, when the order came it could be interpreted by local officials in a sense quite different from that intended by the English, and it continued to be necessary to give presents as before. In Patna, there was some question of whether an outgoing Viceroy should receive a present as well as his successor; Peacock, the Chief of the Factory, and Meverell, his Third, were seized, forced to walk through the town bare- headed and bare-footed and subjected to many other indignities before they paid up and were released. The position was really intolerable ; the Emperor’s order, obtained at so much expense of money, time and trouble, was valueless ; there was really nothing for it but sooner or later to convince the Mogul that it was worth being friendly with the English. The dispute dragged on, with arguments about customs, poll tax and presents ; at last came the inevitable open breach. Job Charnock, now the First in the Bay Council, assumed the rank of lieutenant-colonel, which was his automa- tically in time of war, and defended a part of the modern Calcutta with some amateur skill and a remarkable display of military tenacity in the face of much stronger forces. After one or two rebuffs, he scored a minor tactical victory and made a truce ; then, seizing the chance to do with a good grace what he would soon have been forced to do with no grace at all, he withdrew to an Island at the mouth of the Hooghly, where he soon had to stand a second seige. Charnock is a man who for some reason has touched the imagination of English and Indians alike. Here is an account of his withdrawal : 64 JOB CHARNOCK ‘Mr. Chanak with great indignation, prepared to fight ; but as he had a very small force and only one vessel was present at the time, while the Moguls had assembled in great number, he saw no advantage in taking any hostile measure against them and was obliged to weigh anchor. He had a burning-glass in his ship with which, by concentrating the sun’s rays, he burnt the river face of the city as far as Chandarnagar. With a view to avenge this injury, the army commander wrote to the police- station at Makhua with orders to stsp the vessel The police officer accordingly prepared an iron chain, each link of which was twenty pounds in weight.... The chain being extended across the river, the vessel was intercepted, but Mr. Chanak cut through the chain with a European sword and went on his way Sir Josiah was not the man to put up with insult and humi- liation ; he declared war on the Mogul Emperor, perhaps the richest and most powerful monarch in the world, and sent six companies of infantry and ten armed vessels under Captain Heath to conquer India. Their operations were made more difficult by instructions to sail up the Ganges and take Chitta- gong and by the reluctance of Captain Heath to accept Charnock’s assurance that Chittagong was at the mouth of another river nearly two hundred miles away and strategically quite beside the point. At last the remains of the expedition, with Charnock and his factors on board, fell back in Madras ; now the war began to be waged as it should have been and now the Mogul began to feel the effect of sea power. Sir Josiah’s geography might be shaky but he had a remarkable grasp of the essentials. Here are his comments when Aurangzebe reduced the King of Golconda and moved forward into the Carnatic. ‘The subjects of the Mogul cannot bear a war with the English for twelve months together, without starving and dying JOB CHARNOCK 65 by thousands for want of work to purchase rice ; not singly for want of our trade but because by our war we obstruct their trade with all the Eastern nations, which is ten times as much as ours and all European nations put together. Therefore we conclude Fort St George is now much more worth and secure to us than ever it was in the mean King of Goldconda’s time, for he had little at sea for us to revenge ourselves upon, but now if new injuries should be offered us, we have a fat enemy to deal with, from whom something is to be got to bear our charges...’ He was right ; the upshot is told in the minutes of the Fort St. George Council for Monday, October 7th, 1689 and more romantically by Nawab Muhabbat Khan, recounter of the burning-glass story : 6 In those days the Emperor Aurangzebe was ...straitened for provisions, and his camp was reduced to starvation. Upon this, the Chief of the Factory in the Carnatic sent vessels laden with grain, showing great consideration for the throne. ..The Emperor was much pleased... and the royal orders were issued, exempting the ships of the Company from custom duties,. ..and giving permission for the establishment of factories in Bengal...’ Job Charnock came back in triump and founded a city that was to become one of the largest in the world. He was the rougher kind of Company’s servants ; he was not a man of good birth and education like Streynsham Master or Gerald Aungier, nor can he be credited with any foresight or imagination. But he catches the fancy, he sticks in the memory, perhaps from some- thing in the harsh syllables of his name but perhaps more truly because of the silent stubborn obstinacy that seems to have been his strength, as it was his country-men’s. Master and the Madras Council wished to make him Second at Hooghly, when 5— 66 JOB CHARNOCK he thought he should be First at Cossimbazar. He said little but stuck to his guns, refused to take over the books at Hooghly for months on end and got his way. With the same doggedness he refused to pay unjust claims at Patna, defended himself with a few men against the Mogul thousands, endured the ignorance and indecision of Heath. And to his stubbornness he added a touch of the picturesque. Everyone has heard of how he rescued from the flames a Brahman widow of transcendent loveliness, lived with her happily for fourteen years, set up a magnificent tomb over her body and sacrificed a cock there every year on the anniversary of her death. It is not a Brahman practice to sacrifice cocks, but, as the husband of a Brahman widow, Charnock could hardly be expected to be particularly orthodox in his paganism. He died in 1693, having ‘reigned more absolutely than a Rajah, only he wanted much of their humanity’. The seventeenth century ended then with all three Presi- dencies established. For the Mogul Empire it had been a century of progress or achievement ; Aurangzebe had extended his dominions but his intolerance had hastened the collapse of his dynasty. The English in India, however, might well have looked back with some complacency. In the first years after 1608 they had been a colony of traders, begging for the right to exist in Surat on sufferance ; now the Governor of Madras and Bombay live in regal state with a navy, a standing army, a militia, judges and a mint. The servants of the Company are still mainly concerned with kerseys and calicoes ; it is trade they are after. But already they are experienced in the diplomacy of the East ; they are learning to be administrators in a small way, and every man among them is an occasional soldier. Gone are the days when they petitioned against the employ- ment of gentlemen and begged that they might be allowed to JOB CHARNOCK 67 consort with those of their own degree. There have been men among them of imagination, foresight and restraint ; in almost any society Oxenden, Aungier and Master would have shone. Others, such as Pitt and Charnock, excel by the force of a stubborn gusto for mastery ; there is a plentiful supply of men with the fierce valour of Sir Edward Winter, James Keigwin or Captain Minchin of the Revenge. Idleness and folly no doubt are there in plenty ; and much technical dishonesty, for you will not get incorruptibility for ten pounds a year. But most of it is the sanctioned dishonesty of the East, the commission that does not go beyond what is customary and which no one thinks matter for reproach. It was certainly no worse among the English in India than in Whitehall, where Sir Josiah squared King, Court and Parliament for £ 80,000 and ‘by his great annual presents could command both at Court and Westminister Hall what he pleased’. They are quarrelsome, no one can deny it ; a hot-tempered, full-blooded generation who eat too much meat for the climate and drink too much arrack punch and too much of the lively flavoursome wines of Spain and the Canaries. But the quarrels vanish and the ranks close when they are faced by Mogul or Portuguese and already they display, when compared with those who surround them, the qualities that are to put this empire in their hands — a stubborn fidelity to each other and, within reasonable commercial limits, to the Company ; an obstinate tenacity of purpose ; discipline ; a preference on the whole for keeping their word. Above all, there is among them a fair number of that rare sub-species of man through whose character shines the sharp blade of deicision, the steel of leadership. (Woodruff — MEN WHO RULED INDIA, Vol. I, Chap. VIII) JOB CHARNOCK By G. W. Forrest The life of Job Charnock, the founder of the capital of British India, a man of sound judgment, boundless enterprise, and an adamantine constancy of purpose, is a story which ought to be of ever-enduring interest to all Englishmen. It reveals the springs of an empire whose progress and growth is a wondrous fact in the history of the world, and it enables us to understand the sort of men who planted settlements and built forts which became the seats of great Governments. Their toils, their sufferings, and their conflicts prepared the way for the dominion of their race in India, and the introduction of peace and prosperity into a vast continent. It is not the City of Palaces, with its broad streets and spacious squares, not in Bombay, with its huge docks and vast public works, but in the old burials grounds upon the beached verge of the salt flood, overgrown with tall rank grass and studded with tombs, there comes home to us the romance and tragedy of empire. The inmates of these mouldering brick graves were English merchants who lived and died at their work, Englishwomen who were transported by the attraction of love, and children who could not bloom in that malarious air. The story of these pioneers — a marvellous tale of suffer- ing and vicisstitude, of heroism and endurance — lies buried in the archives of the Government of India and of the India Office. The first attempt to rescue it from oblivion was made by John Bruce in his ‘Annals of the Hon’ble East India Com- pany from their Establishment by the Charter of Elizabeth, JOB CHARNOCK 69 1600, to the Union of the London and English East India Companies, 1707’. It is a work of great industry, of extensive information, and of much accuracy ; but it is in three huge tomes, too much for the ordinary reader. The first five chap- ters of Mill’s ‘History of British India’ are mainly founded on Bruce, and they deal in the most cursory manner with the history of the early European settlements. The history of the foundation of our power in Bengal is told in a few lines, and the name of Job Charnock is not mentioned. Stewart, the learned historian of Bengal, owes much of his information to the elaborate work of Bruce, but he has supplemented it with some valuable original materials. The first substantial increase to the material gathered by Bruce is due to the wide and protracted research of Sir Henry Yule in the records of the India Office and British Museum. To Bruce and Yule we owe almost all the information we at present possess of the early history of the Company’s trade and settlement in Bengal (or “the Bay”, as it was commonly styled in the seventeenth century), and of the career and charac- ter of Job Charnock, the founder of Calcutta. Sir Henry Yule bestowed upon his task years of labour and the ripe scholarship of a long life ; but his work was fragmentary, and, with the characteristic modesty of a great scholar, he admitted that he had “not been able to scatter all the obscurity nor to substitute authoritative statements for the doubtful ones.” Since the publi- cation of ‘The Diary of William Hedges’, illustrated and illumined by Yule, fresh material has come to light which scatters in some measure the obscurity surrounding the career of Charnock, and dispels the mythological version of the Charnock legend. From Bruce and Yule, and some new materials drawn from the archives of India, we propose to give a consecutive sketch of the career of Job Charnock, ^ to draw a true portrait of the man whose character was peculiarly English. 70 JOB CHARNOCK The power of the Dutch in the Spice islands and their in- creasing enmity led the English to turn their attention to the Indian trade, and to the establishment of factories on the wes- tern or Malabar coast and on the east or Coromandel coast. On the east coast they settled first at Masulipatam, at the mouth of the river, Krishna, then the principal poi t of this part of India, in 1611, and on the western side of India at Surat in the following year. The factors at Masulipatam learnt “that all kinds of provi- sions for subsisting the Company’s factories on the Coromandel coast could be purchased in Bengal, and an indefinite quantity of fine white cloth”. On the 22nd of March 1632/3, Master Norris, the agent there, resolved to send two merchants into Bengal for the settling of a factory and six Europeans besides who were then at Masulipatam were to accompany the merchants and carry a present from the agent to the Nabob or king of that country. On the 1st of April they set sail, “and in much various weather, with many difficulties '.and dangers (which to relate here would be tedious and impertinent to my intended discourse); the twenty-first of April being then Easter-day, we were at anchor in a bay before a town at Harssapoore ; it is a town of good strength, with whom our merchants hold commerce with correespondency.” At Harssapore, on the Orissa coast, the party hired a house for factory, and whilst some of them remained to build, Mr. Cartwright, one of the merchants, “travelled towards Ballazary” (Balasore), at the mouth of the Hughley estuary, and a small agency was established there. From Balasore the Company’s servants made their way round the Gangetic delta, and so up its south-western channel to Hughley, “the principal port of the province, lying about one hundred miles from the sea, on the river to which it gives its name.” JOB CHARNOCK 71 Seven-and-twenty years rolled on, and the Company, besides having a small establishment at Hugh ley, had crept up the river and founded a trading station at Kasimbazar, near Murshedabad, the modern capital of Bengal, containing about 200,000 inhabi- tants, and farther north at Patna, where two great rivers meet the Ganges, famous for its raw silk, saltpetre, and opium. In 1658 Job Charnock, of whose early career we know but little, was appointed first member of Council at Kassimbazar, with a salary of £ 20. In 1664 he became chief at patna. Eleven years later Job Charnock was offered by the Government of Fort St. George the office of fifth in the Council of Madras, but he is “noe wayes yet satisfyed”, and “being almost confident that his Honoble. Employers will not suffer him to be thus neglected and unregarded after his 20 years’ service in theire imployment, but afford him his right station". His hon, employers, thinking that Job Charnock had done them “good and faithfull service, and it being his right, “appointed him (3rd January 1679) “to be Chief of Cassumbazar and 2 of Council in the Bay, and consequently to succeed in the Chief- ship at the Bay according to our Rules.” But Job Charnock could not leave Patna until he had started the saltpetre cargoes, a material much wanted at the time in England, owing to the Civil War, and Masters, Governor and Agent at Madras, depri- ved him of the appointment. The Court greatly resented this treatment “of our old and good servant, Mr. Job Charnock, who had the right indisputably of succession (as you call it), beside our express order to be chief of Cassumbazar. A person that hath served us faithfully above 20 years, and hath never, as we understand, been prowler for himselfe, beyond what was )ust and modest : Who therefore, we are resolved, shall not live unrewarded by us”. But thgy twice in succession appoin- ted other men to be chief ef the Bay. I* was not till August 72 JOB CHARNOCK 1685, on the death of the chief agent at Hughley, Job Charnock succeeded him, but the factory at Kasimbazar was boycotted because he had stoutly fought against the exactions and extor- tions of the native officials, and it was closely watched by soldiers to prevent his leaving. He, however, managed to slip through the cordon, and reached Hughley in April 1686. The East India Court had now come to the conclusion that if their trade in Bengal, was to prosper, they must shake off the exactions of the Nabob and his officials. To do this they must increase and discipline their troops, and have a fortified settlement. On the 27th January 1685/6 they wrote to our President and Council at Fort St. George : — “You must not forgett to send to Bengali some of ye bookes of Military discipline & Martiall Law, now in use in his Majtys. Army, & to give them strict orders for keeping all our land officers and soldiers constantly to live & Lodge in Hutts or Barracks within our Fort, according to ye usage of ye modern Garrisons in Europe, and that they may know how the more decently & conveniently to contrive them, we have induced all our Commandrs. and Lieutenants bound for Bengali before theire going to sea to take a view of that regular Fortification of his Majty. ye Block House at Gravesend.” In a letter written on the 21st December 1683 the Court state that some “of our Captains tell us there is noe way to mend our condition but by seizing and fortifying one of these pleasant islands in the Ganges about the Braces but “some others have propounded to us the seizure a Toune called Chittagong in the eastermost mouth of the River Ganges, upon or near the coast of Rackan (Arakan)”. JOB CHARNOCK 73 The Court at the time did not encourage the latter project, but it seems never to have left their mind ; and two years later, having obtained the permission of James 11, they determined to send an expedition to capture Chittagong, a port of consider- able importance in the sixteenth century, which Was known familiarly to the Portuguese as Porto Grande. Chittagong had belonged to the Moghul Emperor, and the Court wrote, — “But you must always understand that tho we are prepared for and resolved to enter into a warr with ye Mogull (being necessitated thereunto) our ultimate end is peace, for as we have never done it, soe our natures are averse to bloodshed & Rapine, wch usually attend the most just warrs, but we have noe remedy left, but either to desert our Trade, or we must draw that Sword his Majly. hath Intrusted us wth to vindicate the Rights & Honor of the English Nation in India.” The fleet sent to “enter into a warr wth ye Mogull”, and “to vindicate the Rights & Honor of the English Nation,” was the most formidable armament ever despatched to India, — the Beaufort with seventy guns and three hundred seamen, comman- ded by John Nicholson ; the Nathaniel , with fifty guns and a hundred and fifty seamen, commanded by John Mason ; and the Rochester , with sixty-five guns ; three “Frygatts so contrived for the Sea that they may as well goe about the Cape as the best ships we have,” armed with twelve guns and manned with twenty seamen. They carried six companies of English soldiers, recruited for the purpose, with subaltern officers, but with no Captains, for the Court wrote, — “We have appointed noe Capt. of our sixe Compa. of Soldiers, because we resolve to keep to our ancient 74 JOB CHARNOCK well-grounded custome of keeping always our Soldiers under ye Command of our Chiefe and Councill, & there- fore we doe appoint, yt our Agent for the time being be always Lieutnt. Gennl. & Commandr in Chiefe of all our Forces by Sea or Land in or near ye provinces of Bengali & Oriza, and in all Seas, Harbours, Creeks, and places near unto those provinces or either of them, & that he be Ct lionell & Capt. of ye first Company of English Soldiers in Bengali, that ye 2d of our Councill be always Lieutnt. Collonell & Capt. of our 2d Compa. of Foote Soldiers, yt. the 3rd of our Councill, be Major of our Regiment & Capt. of our 3d. Compa, & that all the rest of our Councill, according to theire station in Councill, be respectively Capt. of the succee- ding Compa. of Foote Soldiers.” Royal commissions were granted by his Majesty to Captain Nicholson and the other commanders, — Nicholson was appointed admiral, and Mason vice-admiral. The fleet was to be joined by the Company’s other vessels in Bengal, and orders were to be sent to Madras to despatch to the Bay all the vessels they could spare. Enclosed in the instructions to the Agent was a letter to the Nabob demanding £ 620,000 damages “for this great Fleet and Force” for loss “sustained by his beseidging our trade” ; “yett,” they add “we are not only soe desirous but fond of peace” that if he would agree “to leave us ye Inheritance of Chettegam and ye small Territories thereunto belonging,” they “were willing to relinquish all our forementioned demands and resettle in his Country in our old Factorys & upon our old privileges”. If on the arrival of Nicholson the Nabob had not agreed to these hard terms, they were to proceed “with all yor forces to Chyttegam both by Sea and land and take ye Towne.” JOB CHARNOCK 75 But if “ye said Towne or Fort was peaceable delivered,” they were to give the inhabitants “faire Quartr, and not to kill any of them or to take anything from them, but to suffer them to remaine in theire owne houses”. “You are to allow ye Natives ye liberty of theire sevll Religions as these Subjects to ye Compa. have at Fort St. George. Above all things we would have you very carefull and noc Violence or Injury be offered to women, children, or any innocent people, that doe not hastily oppose you, & parti- cular that you suffer noe prejudice to be done to Churches, Pagodas, or other public places where God is worshipped or said to be worshipped.” From the day on which it asailed the fleet was pursued by misfortune. The winds were unpropitious, and detained them. When they set out to sea a storm dispersed them. A vessell was lost, and two of the largest ships, having a very considerable number of the troops on board, could not make the passage. It was not till October 1686 that the Rochester and her frigate anchored at the mouth of the Hughley. They had a hundred and eight men on board, who were sent up the rivers in small vessels to the English factory. The Beaufort and her frigate with two hundred men arrived soon afterwards. The arrival of these ships with troops roused the fear and anger of the Nabob. On the 24th of November 1686 Job Charnock and his Council wrote to Surat, “The arrivall of our Forces (tho Small) soe ala- rumed the country” that the Viceroy “ordered doune for the guard of this towne two or three hundred horses & three or four thousand foot.” The local Governor now “became very insolent in denying us all manner of necessaries for trade and forbidding us Victualls in the Buzar to prevent our Souldiers resorting 76 JOB CHARNOCK thither.” On the 28th of October three Soldiers went out to pur- chase “Victualls in the morning” and news reached the factory “that two Englishmen were sett upon by the Governors Peons (guards), desperately cut and wounded, and lying dying in the Highway.” Charnock immediately sent Captain in Leshlie with a company of soldiers “to bring in their bodies dead or alive but to offer violence to noe man except they were assaulted.” They were attacked on their way by a body of the Nabob’s horse and foot, whom they repulsed, killing and wounding seven. The inhabitants took alarm, and set fire to the house near the English quarters, and the old factory was burnt. “At the same time they began to display their great gunns from a battery consisting of Eleven Gunns that they had lately raised to command our Shipps in the Hole.” Charnock immediately summoned reinforcements from Chandernagore “three miles from towne,” and sent a detachment under Captain Richardson to attack the battery. They had to retire with the loss of many wounded, — “Whereupon Capt. Arthburtnot (Arbuthnot) went out with a fresh recruite, made an assault upon the battery, took it and maintained it while they spiked and dismounted all the gunns, carried the battle on beyond the Governor's House, byrneing and driveing all before them, upon which, it was reported, the Governor himselfe fledd in disguise by Water — leaveing the towne in this desolated condition,” Thus for the first time it was proved in Bengal that nume- rical superiority was of no avail against the courage and discipline of English troops. “The skirmish we have had with the Government,” writes Charnock, “mightily startles them, & has made them mightily afraid of us. The Nabob knows not what to thinke of it.” The Nabob showed what he thought by JOB CHARNOCK 77 directing all the English factories in Bengal to be seized, the factors to be made prisoners, and a large body of troops to be despatched to Hughley. Charnock’s garrison did “not num- ber 400 fighting men/'’ and the shallows in the river prevented large ships from coming up to his protection. The Court had given repeated instructions that a spot nearer the sea and more defensible should be found for their establishment, and Charnock now determined to comply with their wishes. On the 31st of December 1686 he wrote to Sir John Child, General, and Council at Surat : ‘‘On the 20th instant we all withdrew & left Hugly, bringing off all the Rt. Honble. Company’s concerns and our own. Our coming off was very Peaceable, and no less Honourable, having (as formerly advised) continued the Cessation of arms on both sides hitherto, for the conveniency of getting of the Rt. Honble. Company’s estate.” Charnock’s letter was addressed from Chuttanuttea. The site of future empire was occupied by three hamlets, the chief of which was Chuttanuttea (literally Satanati Hat, Cotton Thread Mart) ; the other two were Kalikat ( — Calcutta) and Govindpur, where the present Fort William stands. It was situated on the east bank of a reach of the river, about seventy miles from the sea, and accessible at high tide to heavily armed ships. Charnock proceeded to erect some huts as temporary residences, and began to negotiate with the Viceroy’s agent for permission to build a factory ; but the Viceroy did not forget the skirmish at Hughley, and sent an army to destroy the rising settlement. “The country all up in armes round us,” wrote Charnock, “and without any hope of peace or further treaties about it, Warr broke forth and the English having burnt down “the King’s salt houses” and captured his “ffgrt at Tanna” on the right bank of the river below Satanati, sailed seventy miles farther 78 JOB CHARNOCK down the river to Hijili, a low, flat, island separated from the mainland by a narrow channel. They placed their “small shipping at severall stations round the Island to hinder the Enimies landing, in the most probable places, and also began to raise breastworks & to Digg trenches round our main Forte, which was but ffalcely so Tearmed, it being but a small weake house and a thinn wall about it, with 2 or 3 points, not nigh so strong as our ffactory at Hughley, and Scituated among a Grove of Trees and a Thick Towne of mudd houses about 500 (yards) distant from the Water Side where was raised a battery of Gunns. The upper Fort had Gunns also mounted where they Could doe Service.” The Viceroy’s army of 12,000 men followed Charnock and his small band, at once erected batteries where the channel was narrowest, “thereby so Annoying our Shipping that they placed every Shot, & our men, Souldiers, Sailors, and others ffell doune every day sick of the Generali Distemper of the Island, Fea\our and Ague, which was by this time Epidemeicall, so that we had buried almost 200 men of all sorts and Scarce 100 men remained to keepe the Fort and those very weake.” On May 28. 1687, the besiegers landed “700 Horsemen and 200 Gunnmen”, and capturing a battery, marched “with their forces & our ffeild-peeces to the maine Forte in the Towne”. They arrived as soon as “our Intelligences,” and surprised Lieut. Richard Frances, his wife, and child, who were sick in a house in the town. “Himm they cutt in Peeces, his wife & child they Carryed away Prisoners.” The enemy seized the outer tren- ches, and all that night a fierce fight raged, but “the MogulTs Courage, as their Nature is, going out of them with their Bang JOB CHARNOCK 79 (opium) ; Next morning were soon ffeazed (harassed) out from thence.” The condition of the garrison was most desperate “by reason of sickness and death, not having but one officer, of 6 Lieuts. and 8 Ensigns, to command under his Worshipp at that time in the For*, and of 26 Sergeants and Corporalls, not above 4 alive and all to do duty.” The Admiral’s ship sprung another “desperate Great Leake,” and “not one of the others was half manned”. ]f Charnock surrendered the fort the Company’s ships expected from home would be lost. He held out the next day, “notwithstanding they Landed a great many more men upon us and battered us with their field-peeces, and beseidged us 3/4 round”. A flat-roofed masonry house on which Job Charnock had planted two guns and a guard prevented a complete investment. It stoyd half-way to the water- side, and by holding it, and a battery of two guns at the landing-place, the garrison kept that passage to their shipping open, and were able to procure ammunition and provision. All that day and the next night the firing continued on both sides. Heavy rain fell during the night, “which with constant duty much disabled our men.” A great many had to be sent aboard, and the small shipping that kept guard round the island were ordered into the river to be ready to receive the scanty remnant. One of them, the Revenge , grounded upon a sandbank by the way, and the vessel was deserted by her crew and possessed by the enemy. But in face of all trials and misfor- tunes Job Charnock and his gallant band held out. Four days drove on, the garrison “growing very thinn, not having above 100 fighting men in it and the 2 Batteryes”. On the 1st of June the sentinels on the ramparts saw the sails of a ship from Europe coming up the Hughley,.gnd the garrison received a recruit of seventy men, “who cheerefully sallied out the Next 80 JOB CHARNOCK Day, and beate the Enemy from their Gunns, burning their houses & returned with the Loss of a Manne”. On the 3rd of June Job Charnock resorted to a bold and clever strategem. He dropped all the sailors out of the Fort by one and two at a time to the under battery at the water- side—“when being all drawne up in arms, marched up to the Fort with Drums beating and Trumpetts Sounding and the men huzaing as two daies before”. The garrison lost about 16 men, the enemy “a very greate number.” Thinking that Charnock was supplied with constant recruits from the shipping, the enemy “grew Dull upon it,” and “on the next day in the morning, being the 6th day, held forth a flagg of Truce in order to a Treaty.” After three days’ negotiations a treaty was signed. On the 11th day Job Charnock having given the Mogul com- mander “full possession,” went forth ‘-with our Ammunition and Artillery, drums beating and Colours flying.” So ended the siege of Hijili. It lasted only a few days, but it displayed all the patience, courage, and stubbornness of resolution of our race. In “that direful place” many died, and great numbers fell afterwards victims to the disease they contracted there. “Wee have buried”, wrote Job Charnock, “the Last Yeare from the Shipps and the Millitary nigh 500 men, amongst which are 14 of the Rt. Honoble. Company’s Servants and 6 women. Of 6 Lieutenants only 2 Left, and those miraculously recovered— 8 Ensigns fell, 10 Sergeants and about as many Corporalls, with 250 Sentinells and as many Seamen ; and very few or Scarce any that Escaped a fit t of Sickness upon that infected Island”. So our Indian Empire was built. And now, peace having been established, Charnock spread his sails, and once more held his course up the Hughley. He JOB CHARNOCK 81 dare not return to Chuttaniittea, so he cast anchor at Ulabarea, sixteen miles below it. He obtained permission to remain there, and began making docks for careening his ships ; but after remaining there three months he found it not suited to tbe inland trade, and returned to Chuttanuttea about November 1687, Here he and his factors lived for about a year. On the 27th of June 1688 Charnock wrote to the Governor of Fort St. George and the city of Madras, — “Wee are in great hopes of obtaining Chuttanuttee to settle in with three or four other adjacent townes which doubtless may be in some years so improved as to be very profitable to the Right. Honoble Compa. & possibly may be gradually improved to a considerable strength ; for when once we came to be settled thoroughly, the country people will flock to us to live under our Government, the nature of which they are well acquainted with, and soe a vast disparity between the lenity of ours and the tyrranv of their own, of the which we have a pregnant instance in their present flock- ing to us such abundance as they dayly do. Wee have been as carefull in providing such lodgings and conveniences for the Rt. Honoble compas. servants as our emergencies would permit ; but it could not be expected that they should be extraordinary, when we ware continually camping and discamping. They have such allowances as are neeessary for the building themselves thatched houses for the present, till such time as we shall hear our Rt. Honoble Masters’ pleasure concerning buildings must be demolished, so that we retrench our expenses as far as possible, tho’ to the suffering some present inconveniences.” Orme, the most careful of Indian historians, states that “the Nabob of Bengal paid no regard to the treaty made at Ingelee 6— 82 JOB CHARNOCK (Hijili), but gave up the English trade to the rapine of his officers, and at the same time demanded a very large sum, as a recompense for the damage which his country had sustained by the late hostilities. Charnock being neither in a condition to oppose him by arms nor to appease him with money, sent two members of the Council to Dacca, to try if he might be softened by submissions.” Charnock, in his letter of 27th June, how- ever, states that the new Nabob had arrived, and was seated “at his residency at Dacca,” and on his way he sent an order to the agent to send up an Englishman, “upon which we sent up Mr. Charles Eyre and Mr. Roger Braddyll.” The Nabob, he adds, “was very civill to them, and had referred the matter to the Governor of Hugly, but he looks very high, expecting an extra- ordinary present for the Nabob. We shall in a few daye see more plainly how matters are like goe.” Three days later Job Charnock wrote, “We doubt not but our Honoble, &C., will be much effected with our condition. God knows how matters will go.” The Nabob’s representative pressed the two members of Council hard that they should give an answer to three demands — first, that for making war upon the King’s country they should pay a fine of two lakhs ; secondly, that they should restore all things taken during the war ; thirdly, “that we live futurely in the King’s like merchants and subjects.” “The two former we answered with a petition for red- ress of grievances, and respit 20 mts. until we could have an answer from Madras unto their demands. Unto the last we answered that untill our own security obliged us to defend ourselves we had lived peaceably, and patiently passed by many oppressions. We could live accordingly to the con- tract that should be concluded. But we came into the country upon conditions, and not simply to submit unto their laws and customes.” JOB CHARNOCK 83 While the negotiations were being conducted at Dacca there arrived (September 1688) the Defencey 64-gun ship, commanded by Captain Heath, accompanied by a small frigate having on board one hundred and sixty soldiers. Heath had positive orders “that in case our Servants in the Bay have not already fortified themselves in some considerable place,” they were “to prepare to come on board our ships in three days time,” and he was to proceed with them against Chittagong. Heath had an extraordinary commission, which superseded Chamock in his chief command of the forces in the Bay. Charnock objected to leaving his rising settlement, and he knew that the attack on Chittagong was a vain adventure ; but the old sailor exercised his authority, and ordered all the Company’s servants to embark on board the fleet, and on the 8th of November he proceeded down the river to Balasore. After sacking and burning that town he set sail for Chittagong. But Heath found the works stronger than he expected, and 10,000 men ready to defend. After a month of fruitless negotiations with the native Governor, he abandoned the enterprise, and on the 17th of February he set sail for Fort St. George, “giving orders for every ship to make the best of her way.” At Madras Job Charnock remained fifteen months. In January 1690 Aurangzeb, the Great Moghul, finding how import- ant the commerce of the Company was to the wealth and prosperity of his empire, and that the Company’s cruisers prevented pilgrims from going to Mecca, authorised his represen- tative to make peace with Sir John Child, the Governor of Bombay and Director-General of the Company’s settlements. On the 1 8th of February the President of Fort St. George wrote to the Court, “For confidence whereof (i.e., of peace) we are resolving to send downe Agent Charnock to Bengali to the Bay 84 JOB CHARNOCK upon the Princess when she arrives, .. , which we are the more encouraged to by the kind invitation of the now worthy good Nabob Ebrahim Cawne.” On the arrival of the Princess , Chamock with his Council and factors, accompanied by an officer and thirty soldiers, went on board, and on Sunday the 24th of August, at noon, she anchored off Chuttanuttea. From the deck of a giant steamer as she anchors off Calcutta a noble prospect now meets the eye, which is the delight of visitors from ail quarters of the globe. Vessels of all sizes and descriptions gliding over its waters animate the vast river with varied life. Stately ships lie at anchor by the bank, and their lofty spars tower up black into the air. In the far distance, beyond a wide green plain, rises into sight tower and dome and spire of the rCity "of Palaces. Charncck saw from his small vessel a different scene. A stretch of rising ground along the river, with mat-covered lodges strewn around : beyond it all a vast green, malarious swamp, girded like a mighty hedge by a dense jungle. Job Charnock found the place in a deplorable condition, “nothing being left for our present accommodation, and the rain falling day and night. We are forced to betake ourselves to boats, which, considering the season of the year, is unhealthy.” On Thursday, the 28th August, at a consulation, — “ Present — The ;Rt. Worshipful Agent Charnock, Mr. Francis Ellis, Mr. Jere. Peachie. In consideration that all the former buildings here are destroyed, it is resolved that such places be built as necessity requires and as cheap as possible — viz., 1, A warehouse; 2, A dining- room ; 3, The Secretary’s Ofljce to be repaired ; 4, A room to sort cloth in 5, A cook-room with its conveniences ; 6, An apartment for the Company’s servants ; 7, The Agents and Mr. Peachie’s house to be repaired, which were JOB CHARNOCK 85 part standing, and a house to be built for Mr. Ellis, the latter being totally demolished ; 8, The guard-house. These being done with mudd walls and thatched till we can get ground whereon to build a factory.” The mud huts rose, the swamp around was reclaimed, the jungle was cleared away, but many succumbed to the cruel fever. The growth of the infant settlement was slow, and accompanied by much suffering. Nine months after its birth the President at Fort. St. George wrote that “they were in a wild, unsettled condition at Chuttinuttee, neigther fortifyed houses nor goedowns, only tents, hutts, and boats, with a strange charge of near 100 soldiers, guardships, &c.” The Nawab of Bengal would “neither permit building or Factory, nor merchants to settle or trade with them.” But Job Charnock, the Madras President complains, “continues contrary to all reason or consent of the Government.” It is by “ divine madness,” contrary to all reason or consent of Government, that empires are made. Charnock’s far sight saw that it needed only courage and perseverance to make the enterprise a success. But the whole weight of the task fell on the sturdy old man, who had served thirty eight years in India, and the burden proved too heavy. He fell into deep dejection, and during his last years his stubborn will was no longer a law to his followers. His race of glory run and race of shame, on the 10th of January 1693 Job Charnock was with them at rest. He had lived a strenuous life, and it was enough for him that he had fulfilled his work. He knew not that he had accomplished a great result. It is the lot of the pioneer to plough and to sow, and for others to reap. Job Charnock was no mere money-making trader, no wild daring speculator, but an old English merchant, with the high character, calm judgment, and cool courage of his order. He 86 JOB CHARNOCK felt responsible for the merchandise and credit of his Horible. Masters. He was, they said, “always a faithful man to the Company.” He also had the far sight of the world-merchant, and having found the best place for transportation, he with a persistent hardihood planted a settlement there which became a hive of industry and the capital of an empire. They buried him in an enclosure where many of his fever- stricken comrades lay. In the next century the old burying- ground became the Churchyard of St. John’s, for many years the Cathedral of Bengal, and a massive old mausoleum, octa- gonal in form, with a double dome, erected by his son-in-law. Sir Charles Eyre, the first President of Bengal, marks the spot where lies the body of Charnock, or Channock, as Hamilton calls him. Captain Hamilton, “who left England before King William came into it as king, ” in his ‘New Account of the East Indies’, relates the story how the founder of Calcutta rescued his wife from a funeral pyre. He writes “The country being overspread with paganism, the custom of wives burning with their deceased husbands is also practised here. Before the Moghul’s war Mr. Charnock went one time with his ordinary guard of soldiers to see a young widow at that tragical catastrophe ; but he was so smitten with the widow’s beauty that he sent his guards to take her by force from her executioners and conduct her to his own lodgings. They lived lovingly many years, and had several children. At length she died after he had settled in Calcutta ; but instead of converting her to Christianity she made him a Proselyte to Paganism, and the only part of Christianity that was remarkable in him- was burying her decently, and he built a Tomk over her, where all his Life JOB CHARNOCK 87 after her Death he kept the anniversary Day of her Death by sacrificing a Cock on her Tomb after the Pagan manner. This was and is the common Report, and I have been credibly informed both by Christians and Pagans who lived at Cal- cutta under his Agency that the story was really Matter of Fact.” As Sir Henry Yule points out, it is not likely that a Eu- ropean at Patna or elsewhere in India could have ventured in those days to abduct a Sati from the pyre. As to the Hindu lady having made him a proselyte to paganism, this is rendered improbable by the discovery made by Mrs. Penny (the author of a short history of Fort St. George) in the baptismal register book of St. Mary’s Church, Madras: “August 19th, 1689. Charnock, Mary, Elizabeth, and Katherine, daughters of Job Charnock, baptised by J. Evans. Francis Ellis, Godfather ; Ann Seaton and Margery Heathfield, Godmothers.” J. Evans, the chaplain, was with Charnock at Hughley, and was one of the party carried away by Heath and landed at Madras. He was “Merchant-Parson,” and, returning to England with his wealth, was preferred to the see of Bangor, and translated thence to Armagh. Mrs. Seaton was the wife of Captain Francis Seaton, who commanded the garrison. To his three daughters, as we gather from his will. Job Charnock left the small fortune which he had made after thirty- eight years’ service. “Date, 9th Janu. 1692. Will of Job Charnock at present Agent for affairs of the Right Honble English East India Company in Bengali. “To my beloved ffriened Daniel Sheldon Esquire £ 70 as a Legacy to buy him a Ring. To the Honble. Nath. 88 JOB CHARNOCK Higginson to buy him a Ring 500 Rups. To Mr. John Beard to buy a Ring 400 Rups. To Mr. John Hill to buy a Ring 200 Rups. To Mr. Francis Ellis to buy a Ring 150 Rups. The Horible. Nath. Higginson, President of Madrass and Mr. John Beard of Council in Bengali to be Overseers of this my will. To the poor of the parish of Cree Church, London, £ 50. To Bulydasse 100 Rups. and the meanest sort of my son’s Cloathes ( sic ) lately deceased. All my whole estate in India and elsewhere to be equally given and distributed to my three daughters, Mary, Elizabeth, and Katherine, with this reservation that as in addicion to my daughter Mary’s porcon there shall be payed her out of my daughters Elizth. and Katherine’s two-thirds £ 600 sterl. I desire my overseers that my three daughters be sent with a convenient handsome Equipage for England and recogmended to the care of my well-beloved friend Daniell Sheliton Esquire in London, and that their Estates be invested in goods proper for Europe. “I acquit Mr. Charles Pate from his debt to me of fifty Pagodas lent him at the fort. 1 will and ordain the honble. Daniell Sheldon and my eldest daughter Mary Charnock to be executors. “Witnd. Jonathan White — Francis Houghton —John Hill 12 June 1695, Commrs. to Robert Dorrell, Attorney deputed by Mary Charnock (now at Bengali in the East Indies) the natural and lawfull daughter and one of the Executors named in the Will of Job Charnock late of Bengali afsd. dec. to admr. during the absence and to the use of said Mary Charnock — Daniel Sheldon the other Exor. having renounced.” JOB CHARNOCK 89 The tone of tenderness and considerate affection which runs through the testament places the obdurate old pioneer’s charac- ter in a new light. We shall not stop to canvass the charge of cruelty brought against him by Hamilton, an interloper who hated the Company’s servants for checking his illicit trade, and slandered them ; nor the stories told by his ungenerous succes- sor of his last years, when his vigour and faculties had declined. He had, no doubt, the faults born of unrestricted power and isolated stations of command. But his career attests that Job Charnock was a valiant and true servant, who for the good of his country set at nought all risks and sufferings. By working in the same spirit, his countrymen have won for England a vast and a stable dominion. (Courtesy; BLACKWOOD'S MAG A- ZINK, June 1902 , Pp 770-782). JOB CHARNOCK FOUNDS CALCUTTA By Arnold Wright In following Thomas Pitt’s career we have drifted somewhat from the main channel of the narrative which before he was introduced upon the scene was flowing irregularly through the plains of Bengal. When we return to the course it is to find that little real progress had been made by the Company in the way of the establishment of a permanent settlement in that quarter. For years the vain attempt had been made to conduct trade from factories which were mere glorified warehouses existing by the goodwill of the native authorities. In the absence of any proper status the English were treated with scant courtesy at almost all times and not infrequently with actual injustice. Protests made against oppressive exactions of local officials were either disregarded altogether or contemptuously dealt with. In fine, the Company were at the mercy of every capricious wind that blew in India at a time when the conditions of government were continually changing. They had also to suffer from arrogance of the Dutch who with a superior force at their disposal were able to take up a high line and harass their rivals with impunity. Gradually but surely the lesson was driven home to the reluctant minds of the Directors that if they were ever to succeed in creating a successful trade in Bengal they must have a forti- *From EARLY1 ENGUSH ADVENTURERS IN THE EAST by Arnold Wright. London, Andrew, Melrose Ltd., 3 York Street, Covent Garden, 1914, pp 290-308. JOB CHARNOCK 91 Tied base. In 1686 they took exceptional measures to give effect to this policy. In that year they sent out to India a strong expedition which was charged with the duly of exacting satis- faction for wrongs inflicted by the Mogul Government. Failing redress from the Nabob of Dacca the force was to proceed to Chittagong and “seize and take the said town, fort and territory by force of arms”. After capture the place was to be made as safe “as the art of invention of man can extend to”. It was finally directed that Mr. Job Charnock was to be “Governor of our fort, town and territory of Chyttegam”. Job Charnock, who was thus assigned the post of honour in this enterprise, was a man of very remarkable personality who fills a great place in the early history of India. His parentage is obscure, but it may, perhaps, be surmised from his name that he came of the same Puritan stock which furnished so many of the earlier officials of the Company. He landed in India in either 1655 or 1656 and served his apprenticeship as a Junior Member of the Council of Cassimbazar, a much less important position than the high-sounding title would imply. Early in 1664 Charnock obtained his first important appointment as Chief of the factory which the Company had established at Patna. In this position he remained continuously for sixteen years. He married a native wife and adopted native modes of living. It was even whispered by his enemies that he had become a pervert to Paganism and sacrificed regularly at the Hindu shrines. The allegation was probably false, but unquestionably Charnock had by long residence in isolation at Patna become completely immersed in Indian customs. Such a man was not ill-qualified to conduct negotiations with native powers where an intimate knowledge of the vernacular and of the native habits of thought was all important. There was nothing, however, in his 92 JOB CHARNOCK previous history to warrant the supposition that he would make a successful man of action. It might even be imagined that his long life of comparative retirement in India had warped these qualities which are most put to the test in a physical struggle. But Charnock, as the sequel will show, was no decadent Englishman with fibres sapped by an enervating Orientalism. He played his part in the great Indian stage with the best and most energetic of his fellow pioneers. When the crisis came in 1684 Charnock was at Hooghly, whither he had escaped with difficulty from Patna, out of the clutches of the Nabob who was intent in wringing from him an amount unjustly claimed to be due from the Company. The Agent, on entering into his own, at once set about making his dispositions to meet the coming storm. Before the year had expired three ships had come out, large vessels, one of seventy, another of sixlv-five and the other of fifty guns, carrying some six hundred seamen. There was in addition a number of small craft including three frigates each equipped with twelve guns and manned by twenty seamen. With the fleet arrived a military force of three or four hundred men formed into com- panies on the model of the King’s troops. The strength of the forces at Charnock's disposal was completed by a number of Portuguese and Rajput soldiers, the former of little account as fighters and the latter lacking the necessary discipline to make them really serviceable. These preparations aroused the native officials to action. Troops were hurried up from all quarters to overawe these audacious Englishmen who had shown a disposition to challenge the mighty Mogul authority. A battery of eleven guns was erected to command the anchorage, and the settlement was JOB CHARNOCK 93 j placed in a condition of blockade by the issue of an edict prohibiting the sale to its inhabitants of any supplies. It only needed a little incident to bring about a condition of actual warfare. This was supplied one day towards the end of October when three English soldiers on proceeding to the market were beaten, bound and carried c IT prisoners. Charnock sent out a company of infantry to avenge the insult and bring back the prisoners. The sally was expected and as soon as the men emerged from the shelter of the settlement they were assailed on all sides by large bodies of horse and foot soldiers. They stood their ground for a time, but eventually had to retreat with a loss of seven of theii number killed or wounded, Encouraged by their success the natives set hre to the hovels surrounding the settlement and commenced a vigorous bom- bardment of the ships at anchor. Charnock ordered up a body of English troops stationed at Chandernagor to strengthen his force for an emergency which he perceived would require all his resources to deal with. Unfortunately before these arrived another reverse had been sustained in an attempt to capture the enemy’s battery. The reinforcements, however, speedily changed the aspect of affairs. A fresh attack on the battery made by the new arrivals, under the command of Captain Arbuthnot, was completely successful. The enemy’s guns were taken and disabled and sweeping onwards the victorious contingent penetrated as far as the house of the Governor who incontinently fled. Subsequently, the town was bombarded by the ships in the river and sacked by landing parties sent ashore for that purpose. Before the hand of the avenger was stayed some sixty of the enemy had been killed, including three men of note and a good part of the town had been laid in ruins. 94 JOB CHARNOCK The punishment inflicted brought the native officials to a reasonable state of mind. Through the Dutch, who had a settlement in the vicinity, the Governor sued for peace. His overtures were promptly accepted by Charnock, who was glad of the opportunity which the armistice offered of carrying out a long — formed intention to withdraw from Hooghly to some convenient and defensible spot. He at once proceeded to carry out his plans for the evacuation, but in the absence of proper transport facilities the operations dragged and it was not until the end of the year that the last consignment was dispatched and the Englishmen were able to congratulate themselves on having effected a peaceable and honourable retreat in circums- tances which promised an accommodation of all differences. Charnock and his associates relied a little too much upon the effect of their masterly turning of the tables upon the enemy at Hooghly. Though they had put a wholesome fear into the mind of the local Governor their action had a totally different effect upon Shayista Khan, the Nabob of Dacca, the Supreme Mughal authority in these parts. Shayista Khan was greatly incensed, as perhaps was only natural, when he heard of the doings of the insolent foreigners. He collected from all quar- ters troops with the determination of driving the English out of Bengal. To conceal his plans and gain time he affected to be desirous of concluding a permanent arrangement. He encour- aged Charnock to formulate his demands. The Agent utilized the opportunity to elaborate a comprehensive list of claims. He asked for a site for a fort, for permission to establish a mint and to conduct trade free of customs. In addition the native Goverment was to rebuild at its own cost the Company’s factory, restore all the money it had appropriated and assist to recover the Company’s debts. JOB CHARNOCK 95 A suspiciously prompt assent was given locally to all these demands. Indeed, it seemed that the only thing wanting io complete the treaty was its formal ratification by the Nabob and the Emperor. But the time at last came for the native autho- rities to throw, off the mask and then Charnock was left in no doubt as to how matters stood. He received back the treaty unsigned with an uncompromising declaration of war, phrased in language of indignation at the effrontery of the English in preferring such demands. Accepting the challenge Charnock promptly took the initia- tive in the struggle by burning down the King’s salt houses on the banks of the river and attacking and capturing the forts at what is now Garden Reach. After evacuation of Hooghly the English headquarters had been temporarily established at Sutanuti, a spot which today constitutes the northern quarter of Calcutta. This position was now abandoned for one lower down the river on the island of Hijili, which was thought to offer a better prospect of making a successful stand. Here Charnock concentrated his forces, using the fort which he had seized from the Mogul garrison as his new headquarters. When all possible prospective measures had been taken there was a good deal of room left for anxiety. The fort was a flimsy structure standing amidst a groove of trees and situated some five hundred yards from the nearest landing-place, the defence of which had to he entrusted to a specially constructed battery. Altogether only 420 soldiers were available for garrison pur- poses, though the Beaufort , one of the largest ships of the fleet, with its frigate were at hand to render valuable aid in preventing communication between the island and the mainland, and two other ships of the fleet were at Balascre with a considerable additional contingent. 96 JOB CHARNOCK It was at the latter place that the first serious nTove in the new campaign was made. A force of one hundred and seventy men landed from the ships, attacked and captured the Mogul fort which commanded the river, and the next day marched to the town of Balasore, which they sacked and fired. The English rounded off their operations by seizing two Mogul ships which, inopportunely for their owners, came into port. The only incident to cloud a brilliant piece of work was the surprise and capture of a boat’s crew of seventeen who had incautiously gone too far up the river. Of the entire crew only one escaped. The heads of several of the less fortunate subsequently adorned poles in Hooghly, immediately to the gratification of the impove- rished inhabitants of that ruined town. At Hijili, the English garrison soon began to realise the truth that more soldiers die by disease than by the weapons of war. A low-lying pestilential spot, it was about the worst situation that could have been selected for an encampment of the English soldiers, most of whom were fresh from home. Disease quickly appeared in their ranks, and as the hot months came on, it worked such frightful havoc that the proportion of sick was never less than a third. Meanwhile the Mogul forces had been steadily accumulating on the mainland opposite the island. They had erected there a battery which enabled them to dominate the river and even threaten the fort. Action had to be taken if the island was not to be made altogether untenable. A series of raids were consequently organized with the object of harassing the enemy and giving the men a little wholesome excitement. Though they were uni- formly successful the overwhelming number of the enemy enabled them to make good all damage that was done. When one battery was destroyed, another and heavier one was established. JOB CHARNOCK 97 In May the arrival of the Nabob’s general with twelve thousand fresh troops was the signal for a more vigorous effort to overwhelm English. New batteries were erected along the river and a constant fire from them was kept up. The range was good, and under the harassing effect of the bombardment, combined with the natural depression engendered by heat and disease, the spirit of the garrison fell to zero. Becoming more audacious with the absence of any initiative on the side of the besieged the Moguls landed a force of several hundred cavalry and artillery on the island, captured an unfinished battery, killed one of the English officers who was sick and carried off his wife and child into captivity. They would assuredly have captured the fort if the English had not rallied and after a desperate fight driven the assailants off. But though victory was temporarily won, the general situation was blacker than ever. Charnock had buried half his men, and of the other half only one hundred were fit for duty. Of the forty officers who had originally been of the expedition actually only one remained at his post. Charnock, surveying the situation with the eye of an intelli- gent though amateur strategist, came to the conclusion that a move must be made to protect the approach to the landing place if absolute disaster was to be avoided. A suitable position existed in a solidly constructed building about half way to the landing stage which he had used as a battery. This post, together with the one at the landing place, was strengthened by the calling in of the small vessels which had been posted around the island. With the additional men obtained from the shipping Charnock maintained a gallant fight againt the - JC Mogul troops which were besieging the fort. He succeeded in 7— 98 JOB CHARNOCK keeping the enemy at a respectful distance, but whether unaided he could have maintained the unequal struggle for any lengthe- ned period is doubtful, having regard to the steady depletion of his forces by disease. Happily for him, happily for the cause of which he was the faithful champion, at the critical moment there appeared on the scene a welcome reinforcement of men in a ship which had arrived from Europe. This detatchment numbered only seventy, but it brought with it all the vigour and dash of the West and a confidence in race which had lost one of its pristine freshness. The effect produced by the new arrivals on the garrison was marvellous. Their war faces glowed with a new hope as they dragged their emaciated frames to the outside of the fort to see their comrades from home marching up from the boats in all the panoply of military state. If it had been a division which had arrived instead of a week company a greater stir could not have been created. Charnock, witnessing the scene like the rest with a feeling of intense gratification, was seized with a happy thought. Why should this enthusiasm be allowed to evaporate ? Why not repeat the lauding for the edification of the enemy, as well as for their own satisfaction ? The idea was no sooner conceived than acted upon. By his orders the men who had disembarked quietly dropped by twos and threes back to the landing place, and when they had all re-assembled these marched again to the fort with flags flying and drums beating to the cheers of the garrison, which were as lustily raised as on the first occasion. This process again and again repeated kept the place for the greater part of the day iti a feverish state of animation. JOB CHARNOCK 99 The trick worked admirably. The Mogul commander deceived into the belief that the English garrison had been strongly reinforced, a day or two later sent a flag of truce to treat for peace. Charnock was naturally delighted to accept the olive branch, and by June 10, 1687 terms had been • arranged which left the English free to march out with all the honours of war. It had been a wonderful fight. For three months this handful of Englishmen had kept at bay an army and had done that while they held a position which had many and serious disadvantages. Outwardly little was accomplished as far as the main object of the expedition was concerned, but it does not admit of question that the courageous stand made on this occasion by Charnock infused into the mind of the native authorities a healthy respect for the prowess of the English which ultimately bore such fruit. From Hijili the English went to Uluberia for three months, and at the expiration of that time once more established them- selves at Sutanati ; Charnock selected the latter spot with the definite intention of making it the permanent seat of the Company’s power. What were the reasons which animated him his choice we do not know, but as Mr. C. R. Wilson points out in his admirable work, The Early Annals of the English in Bengal , it possessed valuable strategic qualities. “ It could only be approached on one side. To attack it the Mogul troops must cross the river higher up and march down upon it from the North. But if the river were crossed while the English ships still dominated it, the attacking force was exposed to swift and certain destruction. The English," sending their troops up the stream, could land and assail the enemy on his march to Calcutta, 100 JOB CHARNOCK cut him off from his base, force him to form front parallel to his line of communication and so place him in the most danger- ous predicament in which an army can find itself. \ History has abundantly vindicated the choice of the site of what was for so long the capital of India and what is still today its most important commercial centre. But no credit for the choice rests with those who were in authority at home. Indeed, if the short-sighted directors who ruled the East India Company at this period could have had their way there would have been no Calcutta and very possibly no British domination in Bengal. They had for some reason or other formed a strong prejudice in favour of Chittagong, a place remote from the real seat of authority and of trade in Bengal, and when they heard of Charnock’s proceedings they assailed him with a bitterness of invective more appropriate to a criminal than to an official who had risked his life and health in a gallant and not unsuccessful attempt to advance the Company’s interests. Charnock was not only abused ; he was superseded. The Court sent out a fresh expedition with a new commander in the person of Captain Wm. Heath, an able navigator but a man utterly unversed in Indian ways and totally unfit by temperament for the delicate work of diplomacy which must accompany and follow any action that was to be taken. Heath arrived at Sutanuti, or as we may now call it Calcutta, in September 1688, and immediately proceeded to call a Council to deliberate on the position. There were reasons and even authority in the court’s own communications for remaining at Calcutta ; but the impetuous sailor, having made up his mind that the site was a bad one, over-ruled local opinion and by virtue of his instructions issued what were practically orders for JOB CHARNOCK 101 the evacuation of the settlement. He subsequently changed his mind to some extent by opening up negotiations with Bahadur Khan, who had succeeded Shayista Khan as the Nabob of the province. His overtures, made through two English represen- tatives under Charnock’s skilful advice and direction, were not unfavourably received, but before any definite result could be reached Heath had reverted to his old idea of seeking a new site for a settlement. Early in November, the whole of the establishment having been embarked, the long prosecuted quest assumed a new phase. Heath, who was “everything by turns, and nothing long”, had only a vague idea what he really wanted to do. His first move, delayed until towards the end of November, was to make an attack on the Mogul camp at Balasore. The action was attended with the usual success, but the troops stained their victory by excesses committed in the town against Christian and non-Chri- tian, friend and enemy, alike. Nothing much came of the affair save that the lives of the English factors, who had been impri- soned and taken up country on the landing from the ships, were placed in jeopardy. A letter received at this juncture from the Company’s representatives at Dacca announcing that the Nabob was favourable to their proposals brought the policy of negoti- ation once more into the ascendant. But by the end of the year Heath was again on the war path. His objective this time was Chittagong. There had been some question earlier of the English helping the Moguls in a war which they were waging against the King of Arakan, and on the arrival of his fleet off the port Heath sounded local authorities on the point Finding that there was no desire locally to enlist his fleet and the English commander turned his thoughts to an attack on the town. A cool survey of the situation, however, brought home to him the 102 JOB CHARNOCK extreme risks which would attend such an enterprise. Next his restless mind swung round to the idea that the King of Arakan might be used as a stalking horse for his plans. But his Majesty, when approached, would have nothing to do with the English. This was the crowning stroke to the failure of Heath’s ambitious plans, or at least he conceived it to be so. As he “could not persuade those foolish people from the present ruin and destruc- tion which is just upon them”, he gave orders for the watering of his ships preparatory to a voyage to Madras. In due course Fort St. George was reached, on the termination of one of the most singular cruises in the early history of the English in India. Failure seemed to be written broadly across the position as it was left by this unfortunate adventure of Heath’s. The foot- hold already obtained in Bengal had been lost, the Company’s representatives everywhere in the province were in captivity and the feud with the Mogul Government had been aggravated until it menaced the Company’s entire Indian trade. At the moment, however, when the sky seemed blackest it cleared in a surprising manner. The transformation was worked by the exercise of the will of Aurangzebe. The Emperor had never been greatly drawn to the English, and their recent policy had not tended to increase his regard for them. But he had been impressed by the strength that they had displayed at sea, and he reflected that if he cotinued at variance with them he would not only lose a lucrative source of trade but would find the route from India to the Holy Places in Arabia in the infidel’s hands. He therefore issued instructions to the Nabob of Bengal that as it had been “the good fortune of the English to repent them of their irregular past proceedings and their not being in their for- mer greatness”, he would “not create for them any further trouble, and let them trade in Bengal as formerly”. JOB CHARNOCK 103 Prompt action was taken by Ibrahim Khan, the new Nabob, who had succeeded to the Government of Bengal. He at once released the two English agents from their confinement and caused a message to be conveyed to Charnock informing him of the desire of the Government to live in amity with the Company. The change in the Mogul attiude was so startling as to arouse a not unnatural ’suspicion at Madras that it veiled some deep- laid scheme of treachery. It was decided, however, after mature consideration, to take advantage of the invitation to return to Bengal. To the end of August found Charnock and his asso- ciates once more installed at Calcutta, endeavouring to pick up the broken threads of a sadly disorganized trade. Meanwhile, the authorities at home had made many impor- tant changes in the arrangements for the control of their Indian interests. In 1687 the seat of the Western Presidency was transferred from Surat to Bombay, this following upon a measure carried through six years’ previously separating Bengal from Madras. It was also in this period that Sir John Child was appointed “ Governor-General” with full powers in India to make peace or war. But the most significant move of all was that which was undertaken by the Company in 1689, when they issued a formal declaration in favour of territorial sovereignty. This truly momentory resolution affirmed that “the increase of our revenue is the subject of ou»* care as much as our trade”. “It is that”, proceeded the document, “must maintain our force when twenty accidents may interrupt our trad ’tis that must make us a nation in India. Without that we are but a great number of interlopers, united by His Majesty’s royal Charter, fit only to trade where nobody of power thinks it their interest to prevent us”. Here spoke the voice of true states- manship. The purely trading era had passed away; that of the administrator had dawned. 104 JOB CHARNOCK The English never had any reason to repent their trustful action in renewing their connexion in Bengal. The Mogul Nabob was a man of peaceful and benevolent disposition, more of a student and philosopher than *an administrator. He genuinely desired that there should be a lasting accommodation and used all his influence to smooth matters for the Company. It was, however, not until February 10, 1691 that what may be termed the title deeds of Calcutta were obtained by the issue of an imperial order authorising the English to trade on the payment of Rs. 3,000 yearly in lieu of all dues. Now the feet of the English were on firm ground. They had what they had been long striving for, a conveniently placed headquarter settlement from which they could prosecute their trade with some assurance of freedom from irritating inter- ference. How upon this site finally arose the vast city which ranks among the world’s greatest capitals is a story which is part of the history of British India and need not be related here. But as in the case of Bombay, and to a lesser degree as in the case of Madras, the comparison between what was and what is affords an inspiring exercise to all patriotic Britons. A forlorn waste for the most part when first occupied, it has become by the energy and enterprise and policy of the paramount race a populous centre of abounding wealth and prosperity. Its merchants are amongst the world’s leaders of commerce : its trade touches the four quarters of the globe : it is the home of philosophies and religions and the headquarters of a political movement which is profoundly influencing the course of events in India. If the British had done nothing else in India the creation of Calcutta on what was little better than a swamp would be a conclusive testimony to the genius of the race for the successful management of alien peoples. JOB CHARNOCfC 105 Job Charnock did not live to see even the first glory of the city which he more than any other may be said to have founded. Full of years as they were reckoned for the English- man at that time in India, and weighed down with the cares and responsiblities of his position, he died on January 10, 1693, in Calcutta. He was buried in St. John’s Churchyard in the city in a grave which is said to contain also the remains of his much loved Indian wife, who predeceased him. Some four years after his death his son-in-law, Charles Eyre, erected over the tomb an elaborate mausoleum, which was the receptacle of the bodies of a number of his descendants who died in the latter part of the seventeenth and the first half of the eighteenth century. This striking structure still stands, an object of interest to the curious visitor to Calcutta and a silent reminder of one to whom the city owes so much. Few men of note in the early annals of British India have been the subject of acuter controversy than Job Charnock. Even before his death there had gathered about him a wealth of picturesque legend which distinguished him from the ordinary type of English adventurer of that day. As Chanak, a master mind who had by his almost superhuman powers defeated the Mogul forces at Hooghly, he had figured in Hindu tradition. The native imagination was impressed by his forceful qualities and also probably was not less influenced by the depth of his insight into Oriental ways. He had many detractors, especially in his later days, when the advance of age and the effects of nearly forty years’ continuous residence in the tropics appear to have developed in him an irritability of manner and an apathe- tic indifference which produced evil results in the government. Those who followed him, and knew little of his earlier services, were not slow to depreciate his abilities, representing him as a 106 JOB CHARNOCK very commonplace type of man who had been installed in a position for which he was little fitted either by talents or temperament. There was this amount of truth in the picture that Charnock was ill-educated and plain of appearance and speech. His natural defects had probably been accentuated by an almost entire separation from European society during the greater part of his career But that he was the cross-grained incompetent that he was represented to be by his immediate successors is not at all in accordance with the known facts of his history. These show him to have been a man of strong integrity and of shrewed judgment, eminently courageous not merely in the physical but in the higher and rarer moral sense. He was loyal to his employers in a period when the most lax views obtained as to the dictates of duty, and with that loyalty was mingled a zeal for his country’s honour which was a brand of the purest patriotism. Time has done much to clear his memory from the aspersions of jealous and evil-minded contemporaries. He is seen now in truer perspective, as a man whose little per- sonal failings were over-laid by sterling qualities and whose administrative shortcomings paled beneath the grandeur of achievements which have left an indelible mark on the history of the nation’s relations with the East-(pp 290-308). PORTRAIT OF JOB CHARNOCK Shortly after King James II came to the throne, the English 2°t into a serious row at Hughlv. Three soldiers had quarrelled in the Iwar with some of the Nawab’s peons. A Company of soldiers was called out for the defence of their comrades, a I ter wards a second and then the whole of the English troops. The Nawab's troop* were beaten with less, sixty of them were hilled and a considerable number wounded. A battery of eleven guns was spiked and the town itself commanded by Capt. Nicholson's ships. The Fouzdar solicited a cessation of hosti- lities which was granted on condition of his giving assistance to cany the Company’s goods on board the ships. The Company were not pleased with Mr. Job Charnock’s conduct on this occasion, deeming that the opportunity might have been rendered more available for producing a salutary impression of dread of oui power. The English retired to the village of Chuttanutti or Calcutta in its embryo state. The Company had sent out ordcis to take Chittagong but this through mismanagement proved a failure The truce concluded between the Fouzdar of Hughly and the Nawab was in a few months violated by the General of the latter suddenly appearing before town with a * Thi-> portrait of Job Charnock was dr wn by an anonymous writer (pro- b ibiy by-the Editor himself, John William Kaye) in CALCUTTA REVIEW, Vol. 7, Jtinuary-June. 1847 in a review article on the “Journal of Sir Thomas Roe”. “A New Account of East Indies” by Alexander Hamilton, “A Voyage from England to India in the year 1754” by Edward Ives, "Annals of East India Company from 1 600 to 1707-8” by John Bruce, "History of Moghal Dynasty" by Francis Catrou, "Outline History of Bengal” by John C Ma'shman. 1 838, "East Indian Sketchbook 1832", and 4 A few Local Sketches*' by John Mawson, pp 220-282. These excerpts are taken from this review article, pp 247-248, p. 258 and 259-260. 108 JOB CHARNOCK large force. The English on this infraction of the treaty, immediately stormed and took the fort of Tanna and plundered and destroyed everything they could lay their hands on between that place and Ingellee. They subsequently burnt Balasore and destroyed about forty sail of the Mogul’s ships. Affairs remained in this unsatisfactory state till the month of September 1687, when a purwannah was issued by the Nawab, granting permission to the English, who had taken refuge at Madras, to return to Hugly, with the continuation of their ancient privileges. This out-burst, if it served no other purpose, sufficiently satisfied the Native Authorities that it was more for the benefit of the country to let “the hatmen” — alone, than to provoke them. Trade in Bengal soon recovered itself, and Job Charnock ruled like a petty monarch of all he surveyed, which was not much. His army was suitable — consisting of about a hundred soldiers. He had very summary powers also, over all classes of the Company’s servants, every one of whom he might dismiss, if he saw cause, without appeal (pp 247-248). The Church-yard, in the midst of which St. John’s Cathedral now stands, was in those days — “without the gate ?” — and had no church at all within its enclosure. The church of Cal- cutta stood then, at the west end of the range called Writers’ buildings, but was destroyed by fire in 1756 at the capture of the city. What is now a church-yard was then a grave-yard, the Golcotha of the place. It was quite without the city, between which and it was, what was called the gully, a foul and deep nullah , into which all the impurities of the town were cast. This nullah was spanned by a bridge over which funeral processions passed — occupying about half the breadth of old Post Office Street. Crossing into this suburb, many a proper man passed feet fore- JOB CHARNOCK 109 most over that ‘bridge of sighs’. There, in that green square field, level as a bowling green, where ‘ Then heav’d the earth in many a mouldering heap, The rude forefathers of Calcutta sleep’. Why the memorials of the dead were removed from the humble graves they covered, we cannot tell — unlesss it was to prevent any more burials taking place there, after it became nearly the heart of the city. The rule, however, has not been adhered to, for *wo judges and two Bishops lie there, taking their, rest (p. 258). It is a question to be asked, but not so easily answered, how all those whose mortal dust is contained in that meadow-like field, over which erst so many tears have streamed; — lived, moved, and had being. There mouldercth old Job Charnock, Esquire, Chief of Calcutta, or as his name was pronounced by natives, and is spelt by Hamilton, no doubt from hearing it so pronounced by Europeans, as well as natives, Channuck. There was not a greater difference between the London houses, clay floored, and rush strewed, of the plantaganets, and the gorge- ously carpeted, draperied, and or-molu gilded drawing rooms of Belgrave Square now, than there was between the Calcutta of Job Channuck and the re-edified Calcutta of Lord Clive. From Surat to Bombay, at Fort Saint George, Masulipatam, Kasim- bazar, Balasore, and Piply, the style of living was the same, it came entirely under the comprehensive term of roughing, both as to eternal means and appliances, and table fare. It is singu- lar, but is no less true nevertheless, that we know more about the personal history and appearance of an Athenian sage who flourished some time before the Christian era, than we do [JO JOB CHARNOCK about old Job Channuck. Both have the sacrifice of a cock incidentally, or circumstantially, associated with their names. We owe a cock to Esculapius, which do thou see to, O Crito. Singular last words— for they were the last of that illustrious nian — what mean they ? Might they not mean — O my friend, I am just about to be cured for ever of that malady called life, wc owe a cock to Esculapius. It was a proverbial expression, just as it is pro\erbial in the rural parts of Scotland, to say in legard to a grateful sense of favour conferred -“1 owe you it day in harvest”. In regard to our old governor of Chuttanuti again, the question of his annual sacrifice of a cock on the grave of that Hindu wife ( whom he espoused under such romantic circumstances —after rescuing her from burning on the funeral pile of her husband ) somewhat perplexes. Has this Kind of ceremony any signifancy in Hindu ntual, or did he ihus befool himself, as respects a heathenish ceremony, in consequence of a dying request of hers 9 Be that as it may, on a sultry day of the year 1690, several boats stopped off the bank of the river Hugly, close to the dirty (straggling village of Chuttanutti. One is a large budgerovv with the English flag Hying at her masthead. She is crowded with armed men both European and native, and the other boats among which are a few bauleahs arc full of people. A somewhat portly looking man stands on her deck, over whose head is held a roundel or chat tah, covered with scarlet cloth. He is dressed in a suit of half Flemish, half Spanish fashion. On his head is a broad leafed Flemish beaver hat, with two feathers falling to the lett side, from beneath which may be seen his long locks of grey hair. He wears a short doublet of fawn covered satin — with a short light cloak of tusser or country silk. Down his neck is a ruff and falling collar of lace# His nether man is clad in Nankin JOB CHARNOCK 111 breeches of liberal wideness ending in fringes at the knee —three inches beneath which they are met by the wide tops of boots puiflcd with red morocco, while the interval between disco\ers white silk stockings. Round his waist he wears a bioad buff belt, girt with a massive gold buckle, from the bell descends a long rapier and the ornamented stocks of a pair of pistols are seen above the upper edge of the belt. His busy eye- brows and gnsled nionstaches, his quick remarks and abrupt tones, give him a certain sternness as he is carried ashore, where a salaming ci ow'd receives him. Reader, if you do not like this fancy portrait, go and procure a better elsewhere if you can. The Chief then steps into a Taun-Juun and pointing to a wide spreading pcepui tree desnes to be carried there. Thereto he is borne accordingly, his roundel carried over his head- -and while sitting under the grateful shade of that tree and while holding communion with the Naib, and headmen of the village - there, sub tegmme /agi— at the place now' known as the Boitakannah — the Patriarch of Chuttanutli, determines that the Capital of British India shall thence-foi ward be fixed. But it appears that his Tusculum, his country residence, was at Barmckpore, where he resorted to, not perhaps so much to avoid the dust and bother of his bustling capital —fumuni, et opes , strep itiwique Roame — as to be near that grave, where, rough and stern as he might be to others, (and tradition has it that he was so) there rested one, with whom his heart still beat in sympathy. About 1678 he united himself in marriage with a young and beautiful Hindu girl, whom he and his guards had rescued by force from the funeral pile. By her he had several children, and appears to have lived with far about eight years. Upon her decease he enclosed a large piece of ground in the suburbs of 112 JOB CHARNOCK his factory, on which he erected a mausoleum, and there deposited her remains. We have the authority of Hamilton, of Asiaticus, and other writers for asserting the fact, however extraordinary it may appear, that during the remainder of his life he annually offered a cock to the memory of this much-lamented wife in her1 mausoleum, thus converting it into a heathen temple. On the 10th of January, (1692/1693) Job Charnock died. He was buried in the same mausoleum with his wife, and from that time the cemetery, which had been originally appropriated to the sole use of his family, became the receptacle for the remains and tombs of the English population of Calcutta. CHARNOCIt AND CHUTTANUTTI It appears that the Factory was called Chuttanutty in the despatches sent from England, from the time when Charnock returned to Bengal, to the acquisition of the villages of Calcutta and Govindpore ; after which it was called, the Presidency of Calcutta, and eventually, of Fort William. Respecting the locality of Chuttanutty there can be no doubt, it stood on the area at present occupied by the native part of the town, and interesected by the Chitpore Road, The evidence of this fact is to be found in the designation of the Ghat now called Haut Khola, which for more than ninety years was known as Chuttanutty Ghat as well as in the existence of the great bazar of Chuttanntty in its immediate vicinity. Govind- pore, a straggling village, with clusters of native huts interspersed with jungle, occupied the site of Fort William, and the open plain around it. We find it stated in Holwell’s valuable tracts that the rents of the Govindpore market having been affected by the neighbourhood of Kalee-ghat, the evil was remedied by esta- blishing a toll on all articles brought into the English territories from that market. There can, therefore, be little hesitation in fixing the site of this village. The village of Calcutta, must therefore, have stood between Chuttanutty and Govindpore. In 1756 it included the whole of the ground occupied by the European houses ; and which at the present time comprises what may be called the commercial and official portion of the town. It would be vain to endeavour to fix the original bounda- * TK„ hctc on Chuttanutty and Job Charnock appeared in the CAL- ^iijTTA REVIEW. Vol. 3 ( 1 845; . January-June, pp 437-438) and form$ part of Marshaman's article, ' Calcutta a large piece of ground, which now forms the site of St. John’s Church, and erected there, over his wife’s remains, a mausoleum, in which he was himself buried on his death in January 1693. There is also a legend that Charnock, after the death of his wife, every year sacrificed a cock to her memory in the mausoleum. Charnock appears to have enjoyed in an unUsual degree the confidence of the directors of the East India Company. In the official despatches of the time he is constantly mentioned in very laudatory terms. He is described as having rendered ‘good and faithful service as ‘one of our most ancient and best servants as ‘one of whose fidelity and care in our service we Haye had long and great experience;’ as ‘honest Mr. Charnock* ;"as a ‘person that has served us faithfully above twenty years; and hath never, as we understand, been a prowler for himself beyond what was just and modest ; ’ &c. &c. The only occasions on which the court adopted a different tone towards Charnock were when he failed to carry out their instructions to seize Chittagong, a project which Charnock justly deemed to be, in the circumstances, impracticable, and when, in their opinion, he was not sufficiently firm in demanding the execution of the terms of the agreement made with the nawab’s agent at Sutanti ; but even in these cases the unfavourable remarks were qulaified by expression of confidence in Charnock and by allusions to the perplexities occasioned to him by the machinations of his 9 130 JOB CHARNOCK enemies in the council. The despatch relating to the second of these matters ends with the following remark: ‘The experience we have of Mr. Charnock for thirty four years past, and finding all that hate us to be enemies to him, have wrought such a confidence in our mind concerning him, that we shall not upon any ordinary suggestions against him change our ancient and constant opinion of his fidelity to our interest’. The Court’s treatment of Charnock certainly contrasts very favourably with that which in those days they meted out to most of their gover- nors and agents, whom, as a general rule, after appointing them with every expression of confidence, they treated with a eapricious harshness altogether unworthy of wise administrators. The high opinion which the court entertained of Charnock was not shared by Sir John Goldsbororough, their captain -general in succession to Sir John Child, who visited Sutanati shortly after Charnock’s death. In a report written by that functionary in 1693 animadversions are made upon Charnock, which reflect alike upon his administrative capacity and upon his private character. He is there charged with indolence and dilatoriness in the performance of his public duties and with duplicity in his relations with his colleagues and subordinates. (This account of Charnock is based chiefly upon a collection of the offcial correspondence of the time, imperfect in parts, which has recen- tly been compiled by Colonel Yule, and printed for the Hakluyt Society. Reference has also been made to Mill's HISTORY OF BRITISH INDIA, pp 84-86, edition of 1858, Orme's HISTORY OF MILITARY TRANSAC- TIONS IN INDOSTAN, II. 12*15, Madras edition 1861, Marfhman's HISTORY OF INDIA, I, 211*14 edition of 1867, GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE 1824, Part I p 195, MEN WHOM INDIA HAS KNOWN, pp 33-34, Madras 1871. A. J. A. pp 129-132.) JOB CHARNOCK’S HINDU WIFE: A RESCUED SATI By Hari Charan Biswas Suttee (sati, ‘the lady who follows her husband to the funeral pyre, is supposed to be a model partner. Diodorus Siculus speaks of this institution as having had its origin among the Rajpoots in “the crime of one wife who destroyed her husband by pioson”. The practice of Sati had been in force for many centuries. Many hundreds of innocent lives were, brutally and unnecessarily, sacrificed every year. Many unwilling victims were obliged to be burned on their husbands’ funeral pyre. A fair girl, not exceeding ten years of age, was once rescued by a body of English seamen and was conveyed to English house. As her relatives did not take back her home, she was baptised and lived with the English in the factory at Masulipatam. Another story relates how it was arranged for a woman to be burned, about 6 miles above Hugh. Knowing that her refusal to follow her husband to the funeral pyre would be of no avail, she at first consented to do so. But when the fire burned furiously she refused to leap over it ; whereupon the Brahmans tried to lake hold of her ; she caught hold of the first person that laid hands on her and dragged him with herself into the fire, where both of them perished in a moment. Lord Cornwallis and Wellesley tried to enforce certain measures to stop the objectionable practice. Lord Minto ordered the officials to shake off their indifference in the matter, and made it incumbent on the parties to obtain the previous permission of the local ♦ From HINDUSTAN REVIEW. September 1910, Vol. XXII, No. 133, pp 298-301. 132 JOB CHARNOCK authorities before a case of suttee was allowed. }\t last Lord William Bentinck announced in the Calcutta Gazette of the 7th December, 1829, that “the practice of sati, or burning or burying alive the widows of Hindus, (is) illegal and punishable by the Criminal Courts.” No great commotion, how- ever, followed the announcement. Dwarkanath Tagore and Rammohan Roy, the two great reformers of Bengal, moved strongly against the practice and rendered valuable help to Lord Bentinck, in passing the law Two centuries before Bentinck, Job Charnock, the founder of the “City of Palaces” felt for this brutal practice. In 1655 or 1656 he came out to [ndia, apparently not in the Company’s service, but soon obtained an engagement for five years, as a junior member of the Council of Cassimbazar. We have no information as to his family connections and early life. All that can be inferred from his name is, that he was a Lancashire man. His name appears in the first roll of the new Company formed under Cromwell’s Charter as a fourth member of the Council of Cassimbazar with a salary of £ 20, in January, 1658. His memorial of 23rd January, 1664, shows that he had intended to return to England at the expiration of the stipulated period, but was willing to remain, if appointed Chief of the Patna factory. He got the appointment and continued in it till 1680. Charnock lived at Patna for many years, and there he learned to understand the Indian ways of thought and action. By close application he acquired a perfect mastery in Persian, which was the Court language of the day, adopted native habits and customs, and had frequent admittance into the Nabob’s presence. He is said to have believed in some of the local superstitions and had been in the habit of worshipping the five saints, or the Panch Pir , with the sacrifice of a cock, after the manner of the JOB CHARNOCK nr people of Behar. The Panch Pit , as is well kowa, were invoked on occasions of danger, but unlike their brethren of Behar the Bengal Mussalmans do not observe any special ceremony. The Mussalman boatmen generally shout, when unfurling their sails, “Allah, Nabi, Panch Pir , rakhiya karo”. Amid the forest of the old city of Sonargaon, which was formerly famous for the manufacture of fine muslin in the district of Dacca there may, to this day, be seen a holy shrine called the Panch Pir , to which the ' Hindus and Mahomedans resort from long distances in fulfilment of vows. Nothing has yet been ascertained, who these Panch Pir , are. The fact of Hindus worshipping the Mahomedan saints testifies to the high reputation for sanctity they enjoy. When a disciple is initiated a cock is sacrificed, and the sacrifice forms a part of the worship of Panch Pir. Dr. Wise tells us the story of an Englishman in East Bengal, who was called the the “Panch Piriya Shahib”, the reason adduced for this being that his parents were advised by a servant to consecrate their “next child’' to Panch P/r, as they had lost one after another. Acting up to this advice they were pleased to see that their child grew strong and healthy. Sometime in the year 1678, Charnock, who was walking on the banks of the river, saw a beautiful gorgeously attired YOUNG BRAHMAN WIDOW, who had scarcely seen fifteen summers, proceeding reluctantly towards the funeral pyre of her late aged husband. Smitten with the charms of the young lady, he at once ordered the guards that accompanied him, to rescue her from an untimely end and safely conducted her to his own residence. An allusion to the forcible rescue of the widow is to be found in an Epitaph on the tomb of “Pilot Town- send” in St. John’s Church : — 134 JOB CHARNOCK Shoulder to shoulder, Job my boy — into the crowd like a wedge ; Over with your hangers, messmate, but do not strike with the edge. Cries Charnock — “Scatter the faggots ! double that Brah- mins into two ! The tall pale wiodow is mine, Job — the little brown girls for you. She became his wife, lived lovingly for many years, and bore him several children, three of whom married Englishmen ; the eldest Mary having espoused Charles Eyre, by whom afterwards the Charnock mausoleum was erected : Elizabeth, the widow of William Bowridge, Junior Merchant, was alive, in Calcutta; till 1753; the youngest, Catherine, married a member of the Council, Jonathan White, in her nineteenth year. Miss Blechynden, the authoress of a gossipy volume on Old Calcutta, states that Charnock’s wife lived for twenty-five years, but the fact is open to controversy. Such was the influence of the young lady over her lord that instead of being herself converted to Christianity, she converted Charnock to Paganism We have not yet been able to ascertain when and where Charnock’s Hindu wife died ; but it is believed that she preceded him to the grave shortly after the foundation of Calcutta, and was buried in the family vault in the burial ground subsequently known as St. John’s Churchyard, where also rest the mortal remains of Old Job. He loved her dearly, and his sorrow for the loss of the lady was boundless. His wife, though a Hindu and strong enough to convert her husband into her own religion, was not, however, burnt according to Hindu rites. “The only part of Christianity that was remarkable in him, was burying her decently”. He built a monument over her and used annually to sacrifice a cock at the spot on the anniversary of his wife’s death. JOB CHARNOCK 135 The CHARNOCK MAUSOLEUM is a massive structure, octagonal in form, with a double dome, near the northern wall of St. John’s Church. There are four slabs within. One to Job himself ; one to his youngest daughter, Mrs. White who died in her first confinement, aged 21 : a third to Mary, his eldest daughter, wife of Charles Eyre who succeeded Charnock, died four years after her father, 19th January, 1696 : and the last to William Hamilton, the Surgeon. In 1894 some earth was dug to see whether there was anything in proof of his wife being buried in the same grave with her husband. Nothing of a vault was seen, but a quantity of bricks mixed with earth, from which it can be inferred, that there was originally a grave which Mr. Eyre, when burying his wife, might have destroyed. The version of Mr. William Hedges in connection with the same fact, in his journal, under date 1st December 1682, at Dacca, is as follows : — “This morning a Gentoo, sent by Bulchand, Governor of Hughly and Cassimbazar, made complaint to me that Mr. Charnock did shamefully to the great scandal of our nation, keep a Gentoo woman of his kindred which he had these 19 years ; and that, if I do not cause him to turn her away, he would lament of it to the Nabob which, to avoid further scandal to our nation, with fair words I prevailed with ye poor fellow to be pacified for ye present. I was further informed by this and divers other persons that when Charnock lived at Patna, upon complaint made to ye Nabob that he kept a Gentoo’s wife (her husband still living or but lately died,) who was run away from her husband and stolen all his money and jewels to a great value, the said Nabob sent 12 soldiers to seize Mr. Charnock, but he escaping (or bribing ye men), they took his vakeel and kept him 2 months in prison, ye soldiers lying 136 JOB CHARNOCK all this while at ye Factory gate, till Mr. Charnock compounded the business for Rs 3,000 in money, 5 pieces of Broad cloth and and some swordblades. Such troubles as these he had divers times at Cassimbazar, as I am credibly informed ; and when- ever she or Mr. Charnock dyes, ye pretence will cretainlv be heavy on ye Company”. Opinions differ and the version of Mr. Hedges should be accepted with care, as he was no friend of Charnock’s ; Capt, Hamilton and the majority of the historians, however, are in favour of the former theory. No portrait of Charnock’s exists at the present day. It was not given him to return to England and to receive the accla- mations of his countrymen. It is said that Calcutta and St, Petersburg were founded at the same time, both in insanitary sites. The founder of the latter has made a history of his own, while that of the former has none. Unlike persons of his own nationality, who have done nothing to perpetuate his name, the Indians have saved his memory from passing into oblivion. They call Barrackpore (where he is said to have a Bungalow and small bazar) Channock or Achanak. Much light has been thrown on some aspects of the life of the founder of Calcutta in an excellent article in a recent issue of Bengal Past & Present , but until the disputed questions are finally settled, we have no other alternative but to accept the old hypothesis. (HINDUS- TAN REVIEW, Sept. 1910, pp 298-301). SOME HISTORICAL MYTHS By Wilmot Corfield An article by Mr. H.C. Biswas in the Hindustan Review for September last again gives currency to slanders on the memory of a man which should be dear to every succeeding generation of Calcutta citizens. The title-tattle (sometimes referred to as “tradition”) revived by the author of the article is entirely lacking in confirmation, and of a kind that would only be too likely to arise in the communities in the midst of which Charnock dwelt, and where he must of necessity have made many enemies owing to his habit of honesty and the British standard of conduct he held as rjght. Hamilton, who never said a giod word for anyone if he could help it and had a most power- ful treasury of scandal at his command (I quote Mr. Firminger at the ‘‘Charnock” dinner of 24th August, 1908) tells the “sati” story. Hedges tells the story quite a different way. Against the “cock killing” myth too, carrying with it the implication of Job*s formal lapse into heathendom may be set the fact that his own children placed on his grave a memorial slab in a Christian burial ground words that testify to his adhesion at the end to the faith of his own people. Bearing in mind the social conventions of that day the romantic tale of how Charnock won his wife is one which many would like to accept as true. It should never however be stated as being actually a fact, and Mr. Biswas has stated it. * This criticism of Mr. Biswas's preceding article appeared in thft HINDUSTAN REVIEW of December 1910 (Vol. 22, whole No. 136, pp 657-8). 138 JOB CHARNOCK The article also mis-quotes from an epitaph on the tomb of “Pilot Townsend” in St. John’s Church, Calcutta, the verses containing the lines : “Shoulder to shoulder, Joe my boy into the crowd like a wedge” and “The tall pale widow is mine, Joe — the little brown girl’s for you”, but in each case “Job” has been substituted for “Joe”, a change materially altering the general idea that it was the object of the poet to convey. The verses are said to be found, on the tomb in the course of the epitaph. They are not so to be found, and they never were on the tombstone, nor yet is the stone to be found on the tomb of “Joe” the p:lot, and the Pilot’s name was Towns- hend, not Townsend. Thus, it is that history goes wrong. The stone with a verseless inscription is now embedded with many others in the pavement surrounding Charnock’s mausoleum in St. John’s Churchyard. The spot where rest the remains of the Pilot has been lost sight of since the devastating “improvements” in the churchyard made many years ago. The verses were written by Dr. Norman Chevers of the Medical Establishment, and appeared in the Englishman in (or about) July 1869. They are subsequently mauled by Mr. Rudyard Kipling and introduced into his “The Light that failed”. It would be a pleasing and beautiful thing were the Englishman to reproduce the original version giving the exact date of their first appearance in its pages. JOB CHARNOCK 139 Of “honest Mr. “Charnock”, the clear-sighted pioneer Englishman who passed an unprecedented length of years of Indian service “no prowler for himself beyond what was just and modest”, “a man” (again to quote Mr. Firminger) “with a mighty firmness of purpose, sorrowed but never disheartened by being either misunderstood or treated with injustice and always anxious to be on the side of right”. Sir William Hunter has written, “Charnock now stands forth in the manuscript records as a block of rough hewn British manhood”. Let us leave our civic founder at that. Mr. Biswas’s closing remark that “Indians have saved Char- nock’s memory from passing into oblivion” may be passed over for what it is worth. “The small bazar” at Barrackpore called “Chanock or Achanock” if it exists or ever existed need not necessarily have derived its name from “Charnock”, that of the British trader. Other derivations are easy to suggest. The stretch of thoroughfare from Koila Ghat Street to Fairlie Place is now known as “Charnock Place”, though neither the naming of an obscure little market, nor of a strip of pavement in a big town after the greatest of great English pioneers was necessary to keep his memory green. None the less the question arises why not a worthy Calcutta memorial to Job Charnock? No portrait of him exists. To sugggest a statue to him on the Maidan would evoke the twadd- ling cackle of local fooldom in full flood ever alert to prevent the carrying out of any proposal making for the exten- sion of the usefulness or the further beautifying of that huge stretch of gracious greenery. Between Eden Gardens and the River are hideous structural excrescences which, occupying the commanding position they do any other capital city in the Empire, but Calcutta would sweep away in a night in just though 140 JOB CHARNOCK wrathful indignation. I should like to see there, on the ridge of the river bank, silhouetted against the sky and stream a huge block of rough hewn granite bearing a statue symbolical of “Courage” or some other manly virtue characteristic of a strong and good man. The statue should he looking along the mighty waterway Charnock won the England of his day, and for us in ours, tp the lasting gain of India and the world, and (to adapt). Underneath well written in letters all of gold How gallantly he held the ridge In the brave days of old. This artistic memorial to a colossal personality would become one of the outstanding attractions of the Queen City of India. It would command the respect of British and Indian alike and its cost need not be that which many a monument to a man of but microscopical moment has hitherto reached. There is another, too, whose memory Calcutta should cherish, which is however, likely to really pass into oblivion. Of all it has accomplished the Englisman should be more than proud of having afforded an opportunity for first giving to the world the one poem of all others inspired and written in Calcutta which has passed into English literature. Full of the true poetic ring it is of the stuff that lives. But I have yet to learn that even a memorial portrait of Dr. Norman Chevers has been placed in the Victoria Gallery. W K. Firminger’s Note on Mr. Biswas’s preceding article * To the Hindustan Review Mr. Hari Charan Biswas has contributed an interesting article on the Founder of Calcutta — Job Charnock ; but he makes the old wearisome mistake of supposing that there is a verse inscription on the tomb of “Pilot Townsend”. I have gone into this matter in past numbers of Bengal: Past & Present , and all I can say here is that the verses, which never appeared in any tomb in St John’s compound, saw light for the first time in the Englishman in July 1869, and they were most probably an original contribution on the part of Dr. Norman Chevers. The verses are of no historical value whats- over. Mr. Hari Charan Biswas gives the year 1678 as the date of the (supposed) rescue of Charnock’s bride from Sati. Katherine, Job’s third daughter, died in 1700/1 aged nineteen, and the eldest daughter, Mary cannot have been born much before 1677. Mr. Biswas hints that Charnock built the mauso- leum in his life-time. It was most probably built by Job’s son- in-law, Sir C. Eyre, at least four years after Job’s death. While on the subject of the Charnocks, I may here offer a correction of a statement in Hyde’s Parochial Annals of Bengal , a work almost defeats the powers of the most minute critic to correct. Mr. Hyde (p. 45) writes: —“The second daughter of Job, Elizabeth , survived in Calcutta, till 1753. She was the widow of William Bowridge, Junior Merchant, who was buried on the 16th April 1724”. The William Bowridge of this note was the son, not the husband of Charnock’s isecond daughter. The Bengal Public Consultations of July 31, 1718, show that at that date “Mrs. Elizabeth Bowridge” was the relict of Mr. Wiliam Bowridge deceased”, and that her son “William Bouridge was 142 JOB CHARNOCK born Tuesday the 6th August, in the year of our Lord Sixteen hundred and ninety-five, between eight and nine of the clock at night in this Town of Calcutta, which is registered and wrote by her Husband’s own hand in the leaf of her small Bible which leaf she has by her”. In the footnote of P. 84, Bengal Past <5 Present, Vol. II, last line, for “1734”, please read “1724”. * From the “Leaves from t ne Editor's Notebook", Bengal Past 6c Present, Vol. 6, July— December 1910, pp 407-408. JOB CHARNOCK’S VISIT TO FORT St. GEORGE AND BAPTISM OF HIS CHILDREN By Mrs. Frank Penny It was in the time of Elihu Yale that Job Charnock or Channock as he has sometimes erroneously been called, the founder of Calcutta, visited Madras. Calcutta did not exist in those days ; it was but a sandy flat by the banks of the Hugly, where each year a cotton market sprang up in the shipping season ; and it went by the name of the Cotton mart. The native name was Chuttanuttee or Sutanuti. Charnock came of a good Lancashire family, of the same standing as that of Master. He arrived in India in 1656 and entered the Company’s service on September 30th, 1658, on a salary of twenty pounds a year. In 1666 he became Senior Merchant, and he seems to have been always employed in the factories of the Bay, and never to have held any appointment in Madras. When the Bay was placed under Master’s supervision Charnock was brought into contact with Master, as has already been mentioned, the result was not very fortunate. Charnock at the time was busy inland at Patna, trying to obtain saltpetre for his employers. There was no obstacle in the way of purchasing it, but considerable difficulty was experienced in getting it down to Balasore at the mouth of the Hughly, where the ships were awaiting it. If it did not arrive within a certain time they would have to sail without it, because of the monsoon. It had to go down the river in native boats, and it is easy to understand how * From FORT ST. GEORGE, MADRAS by Mrs. Frank Penny, London, Swan Sonnenscholn 8- Co. Ltd. 1900, Chapter XII, pp 120-126. 144 JOB CHARNOCK the determined, but quick-tempered merchant must have been irritated by the senseless delays made by the boatmen. When at last he did get his saltpetre loaded and despatched, he had the vexation of seeing the boats return after they had got half way to their destination. He was not a man to give m to adverse fate or the stupidity of the native, and instead of obeying Master’s orders he remained at Patna until he had assured himself that every boat-load would reach Balasore. Probably it was the fear of pirates which caused the boatmen to make the delay : pirates infested the creeks of the Hughly and laid wait for boats ascending the river. In the midst of all Charnock’s trouble and anxiety over the saltpetre so urgently demanded by Directors, Master made him Chief of Kasimbazar, ordering him to appear at the factory to take chage of it, meet the Governor and his staff who were on tour through the Bay. Charnock accepted the Chiefship, but said briefly, that he was unable to come to Kasimbazar immedia- tely. Master gave him a short period of grace, and then finding that he did not appear, he bestowed the appointment on another man. Although Charnoek felt the slight of being superseded, he made no effort to explain matters, but merely nursed his wrath against the man who had wronged him. His uncompromising character prevented him throughout the whole course of his service ever doing hknself justice. He would not stir a finger to secure the goodwill of his fellow-men, nor even take the trouble to show his best side to the Directors. They recognised his worth and called him honest ; for he was one of the very few men who abstained from private trade* and after thirty-eight years in their service died a comparatively poor maA. But they found occasion to abuse him for his determifiation ; a quality which they recognized only as obstinacy : they called him JOB CHARNOCK 145 blatant and truculent, and gave him ere Jit for contentiousness, when he was only showing his colleagues that he possessed the courage of his opinions. In 1680 he was sent to Murshidabad. Then he had to put up with much opposition from the natives, who besieged him in his factory. He escaped and went to Hugly, and in 1686 the Directors placed a force under his command to enable him to effect a settlement, which would offer strategical advantages and could be fortiiied. They were beginning to understand the necessity of fortifications if their trade was to be undisturbed, and were anxious to build just such a Fort in the Bay as had arisen in Madras on the Coromandal Coast. They knew very little of the geography of India, and had made up their minds that Chittagong would be the most suitable of all sites in the Bay for the new factory. To Charnock this must have appeared nothing short of madness, Chittagong being far away on the Eastern side of the Bay and the refuge of all the European outcastes of the East. It was a home for the pirate and the robber, a place to be avoided rather than sought No man knew the Hugly better than Charnock ; and he had already gauged the advantages offered by the strip of land on which Cotton Mart stood. There was a good anchorage in the river for ships on one side, a series of salt-lakes and swamps on the other, which would protect from the attacks of natives. It had one disadvantage, namely its unhealthy climate, but this he thought might be overcome, and prove no worse in the end than the climate of Hughly, Kasimbazar and other places in the Bay. But the Fates were against him ; he was driven from pillar to post, up and down the river, without being able to effect his purpose, strongly opposed by the natives and discountenanced by the Directors. 10 146 JOB CHARNOCK In 1688 Captain Heath was sent out direct from the Court to carry a severe reproof to the truculent Charnock, and he was further enjoined io convey the unfortunate merchant with his party nolens- volens to Chittagong. Heath arrived, and Charnock pleaded hard for assistance and time to carry out his original scheme ; but the Captain refused to listen. Chittagong was the spot selected by the Directors for the new fort, and to Chittagong Charnock should go. The disheartened man felt it was useless to oppose the will of the Court any longer, and sorrowfully he and his staff embarked. Heath set sail for his Eldorado, having, like his employers, the haziest notion of its locality. When at last he anchored before it, he found it was impossible to establish a colony there, partly on account of its lawless inhabitants and partly because of its unsuitable situation. But he was unwilling to allow Charnock to return or to listen to his “ I-told-you-so” ; and after sailing about the Bay for three long weary months, he landed his passengers at Madras on March 17th, 1689. Their arrival was unexpected, and somewhat disconcerting to Yale and his Council, as Charnock’s staff alone amounted to 28 people, — Council, factors and writers. The Bengal ships brought also his soldiers, four companies in all, with many “supernumerary officers”, and there was some difficulty in housing such a party. To make room in the garrison for the soldiers, the topasses who had refused to serve in any other place but the Fort were disbanded and dismissed, and Charnock and his party were accommodated among the English residents, being fed at the Company’s expense. The enforced rest to the harassed merchant must have been beneficial, although he doubless chafed at the inactivity of his life in the Fort, and at the temporary failure of his designs. JOB CHARNOCK 147 Here he had to remain in uncertainty until October, when a letter was received from the Nawab, Ibrahim Khan, inviting him to return to Bengal and promising his protection. The matter was referred to Surat for decision, and on the receipt of the approval of the Governor there, Charnock and his party set sail for the Bay. On August 24th, 1690, he once more anchored before Cotton Mart, and landing with a guard of only thirty soldiers, he set himself to his self-appointed task of founding a fortified factory on the river. The few buildings he had erected in 1688 had been destroyed, but, nothing daunted ; he began to rebuild and fortify with all his old dogged determination and indomitable spirit, laying the founda- tion of a city whose future greatness he could never know, nor in his most ambitious moments even dream of. He and his people had to be content with mud huts and nati\e boats for their habitations ; the places were for posterity. Charnock’s visit to Madras is not only interesting on account of his having sailed thence to found the City of Places, but also because there is positive proof that he brought his family with him on that occasion. He was never married, but formed an alliance with a Caste Hindu lady who claimed his protection under romantic circumstances The story, as originally told, came from the pen of Captain Alexander Hamilton. It is as follows : — In the early days of his residence in Bengal before the Moghul war, Charnock wished to see the ceremony of Suttee in which Hindu widows were burnt alive — with their deceased husbands. It was common enough in those days, but difficult of belief to the foreigner and the stranger. He accordingly attended the burning ground on one occasion when the ghastly cerefflony was to be performed, accompanied by a body-guard of soldiers. When the young 148 JOB CHARNOCK widow was brought to the pile he was much touched by her beauty : it seemed so iniquitous a thing that she should be sacrificed to the memory of a dead man ; that he ordered his troops to rescue her. They carried her away by force, and she was sheltered in his own house. The natural consequence ensued, she being full of gratitude towards the preserver of her life, and his heart being softened with pity. Ifonceheset himself to obtain a thing Charnock was not the man to be balked of his wishes. Probably the conquest was easy in this case ; for a return to her people was impossible. She was an outcaste for ever in their eyes ; and her fate in their hands would have been worse than death. She accepted Charnock s offer of a home with him, and she became the mother of his children. She bore him three little girls, who accompanied him to Madras, and she lived with him until her death, and w;as ever his faithful companion. Hamilton avers that at her request Charnock embraced Hinduism, but he admits that he gave her decent burial, “ the only part of Christianity that was remark- able in him”, continues the sharp-tongued histonan. “He built a tomb over her, where all his life after her death he kept the anniversary day of her death by sacrificing a cock on her tomb after the Pagan manner : this was and is the common report, and I have been credibly informed, both by Christians and Pagans who lived at Calcutta under his Agency, that the story was really matter of fact There is an entry in the baptismal register book of St. Mary s Church (Madras) which rebuts the accusation of Paganism on the part of Charnock. It is as follows : — “ August 19th, 1689, * Mrs Seaton and Mrs. Heathfield were both Madras ladies. The latter has been already mentioned as the widow of Robert Fleetwood. The former was the wife of Captain Francis Seaton who commanded the garrison. ( note on P. 125 ) JOB CHARNOCK 149 Charnock, Mary, Elizabeth and Katherine, daughters of Job Charnock, baptised by J. Evans. Francis Ellis, Godfather, Ann Seaton and Margery Heathfield, Godmothers”. (The three little girls grew up to womanhood and married. Mary, the eldest was the wife of Charles Eyre, who was knighted and made the first President of Fort William. She died in 1697, and her husband built the mausoleum at Calcutta, which afterwards marked the resting place of her father. Elizabeth, the second, married William Bowridge, and she survived in Calcutta till the year 1753. Catherine, the youngest, became the wife of Jonathan White in the service of the Company. She, like her eldest sister, died young and was buried in 1701. She left a daughter, whom, Mrs. Bowridge took to England with her own child after Mrs. White’s death.) * The absence af all mention of the mother’s name points to the improbability of there ever having been any form of marriage ceremony between the parents. In all the other entries made of baptisms where the children are legitimate, care is observed to give the mother’e name. The entry clears the memory of Charnock from the imputations of heathenism, and testifies to his Christianity : for otherwise he surely never would have brought his children to the font in the beautiful Church of St. Mary’s. Hamilton gives Charnock a character for harshness and cruelty towards natives, and speaks scornfully of his choice of a site for the new colony. Considering the treatment Charnock met with from the natives, and the infamous conduct of Ibrahim Khan’s predecessor, who caused the Englishman to be severely flogged, it is possible that deafulters met with swift and unflin- ching retribution at his hands, and that he did not spare the * This paragraph has been given as a note by Mrs. Penny on page 1 25. 150 JOB CHARNOCK treacherous. But there is nothing to substantiate Hamilton’s accusation of cruelty, and it seems to be as unfounded as the other charge of heathenism. Evans, the chaplain who baptised the little girls was a Welshman ; he had been attached to Charnock’s party for some time ; he was with him in his troubles at Hughly an was one of the party carried away by Heath and landed in Madras. He might, of course, at any time, have performed the ceremony at Hughly or Kasimbazar, although there was no church at either place. But the worries and anxieties of life were sufficient to prevent Charnock from paying any attention to domestic matters, and it was not till he reached the Fort that he had leisure to think about such things : even then it is more than probable that Yale, who so frequently interested himself in such affairs, suggested the ceremony, Eleis, who stood sponsor, was an old friend of Charnock’s and a member of his Council ; he intended returning to the Ray with his Chief, and consequently would be near his godchildren. When the site of Calcutta was chosen and the foundations of Fort William were preparing to be laid, the new settlement ranked only as one of the minor Agencies ; Charnock was its first Agent or Chief, and he with two old frimds, Francis Ellis and Jeremiah Peachie, formed the first Council of Calcutta. The Council held its first consultation on August 24th, 1690, the day of their landing from Madras ; just half a century after found- ation of Fort St. George. The three men who stood on the bare unhealthy strip of land at'Chuttanuttee and talked over the new fort, all passed away within a short period of each other. Peachie died in Madras in 1702, Charnock in Calcutta in 1692, and Ellis in 1704. They may well be called the three fathers of Fort William and its wonderful city. JOB CHARNOCK — HIS PARENTAGE AND WILL By Sir R.C. Temple, Bt Although much has been written concerning the Founder of Calcutta, his origin has hitherto been wrapped in obscurity. It has now been my good fortune to clear up this point While annotating a series of 1 7th century letters, written in India and now appearing in Notes and Queries d the occurrence in the collection of a letter from Charnock induced me to try to establish his parentage. Sir George Forrest in his article on Job Charnock2 gave an abstract of his will. Among the legacies was one to “the poor of the parish of Cree Church, London.” This led me to believe that by birth he was a citizen of London, and a search among the wills proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury resulted in the discovery of his father, Richard Charnock. The will of Richard Charnock3 is an interesting document and I therefore give it in full. “IN THE NAME OF GOD AMEN the second day of Aprill Anno Domini one Thousand Six Hundred Sixty Three And in the Fifteenth year of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord Charles the Second by the grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland defender of the Faith &c. I Richard Charnocke of the parish of St. Mary Woollchurch London Yeoman being in good health of Body and of perfect mind and mem<5ry (praysed be God therefore) But considering the Frailty and uncertainty of this present 152 JOB CHARNOCK life Doe therefore) make and ordaine this my present Testa- ment (conteyning therein my last will) in manner and forme following (That is to say) “ First and principally I recommend my soule to Almighty God my maker and Creator hopeing and stedfastly believing through his grace and the alone meritts of Jesus Christ my Blessed Saviour and Redeemer to receive full and Free pardon and forgivenes of all my sinncs and life everlasting “ My body 1 Committ to the Earth to be buried in the parish Church of St. Katherine Creechurch London And my will is That not above the summe of Eight pounds shall be spent upon the Charge of my funerall And 1 will that all such debts and duties as I shall truly owe to any person or persons att the tyme of after my decease shall be well and truly paid within as short a tyme after my decease as may be conveniently “ And as touching That wordly meanes and estate That it hath pleased Almighty God of his mercy and goodness to bestow upon me (my debts by me oweing and my funerall Charges thereout first paid or deducted) I doe give devise bequeath and dispose thereof in manner and forme follow- ing (that is to say) — “ First I give and bequeath upto my sonne Stephen Charnocke AH that my messuage Tenement or Inne with the appurtenances comonly called or knowne by the name or signe of the Bell scytuate lying and being in Markett Streete in the County of Bedford And all the land now thereunto belonging and therewith used All which premisses are now JOB CHARNOCK 153 in the tenure of George Sayers or his assignes To have and to hold the same unto my said sonne Stephen Charnock and his assignes for the terme of his naturall life And the Reversion of the said Messuage and Land with the appur- tenances expectant after the decease of my said sonne Stephen Charnocke I doe give and devise unto the Parson and Churchwardens of the Parish of Pennerton? in the County of Lancaster And to their successors and assignes for ever upon Trust and confidence that out of the Rents thereof the said Parson and Churchwardens and their Successors shall yearly and every yeare forever place out to Apprentice in London Two poore Boyes borne in Hutton6 in the said parish of Pennerton, or within some other village or place in the same parish “ ITEM I give and bequeath unto my said sonne Stepehen Charnocke the summe of Twenty pounds of lawfull money of England And a Trunke with Barres Corded upp with such Lynnen and other things as are or shall be therein att the tyme of my decease “ITEM I give and bequeath unto my sonne Job Char- nocke the summe of six hundred pounds of lawfull money of England “ITEM I give to my brother William Marsh the summe of Twenty pounds of lawfull money of England And to my sister Mary Marsh his wife the summe of Forty shillings of like money And to each of their Foure Children now at home with them the summe of Forty shillings a peece of like money 154 JOB CHARNOCK “ITEM I give unto Samuell Waters Grocer in Candle- weeke Street6 London the summe of Tenn shillings of like money to buy him a Ring “ITEM I give unto Mr. Thomas Bateman Merchant sometymes servant to Mr. Michael! Markeland the summe of Six pounds of lawful money of England Apd unto James Hall Woollan draper in Candleweeke streete aforesaid the like summe of Six pounds of like morey. THE REST and residue of all and singuler my goods Chattells ready moneyes Plate Leases debts and other things whatsover to me belonging and not before in these presents given and bequeathed I give and bequeath unto my said Two Sonnes Stephen Charnocke and Job Charnocke to be equally devided between them which said Stephen Charnocke and Job Charnocke my sonnes I DOE MAKE ordaine and appoint the full executors of this my present Testament, and Last will “AND I DOE make nominate and appoint my said brother William Marsh and the said Thomas Bateman and James Hall the Executors of this will in Trust for the benefitt of my said sonnes in case my said sonnes shall be out of England att the tyme of my decease And my will and mind is That if my said sonne Job Charnocke shall happen to depart this life before his returne to England Then the Six hundred pounds to him above herein hequeathed shall be disposed of and accrue as followeth (That is to say) one Hundred pounds thereof shall accrue and come to the Five Children of my said brother William Marsh in equall shares and proportions And the other Five hundred pounds residue JOB CHARNOCK 155 thereof shall come and accrue to my said sonne Stephen Charnocke “AND my will and mind is that my Executors in Trust in the absence of my sonnes shall have power to put forth any moneys of myne att Interest for the benefit of my sonnes, The bonds for which moneys Soe to be put out shall be taken in the names of my said Executors in Trust and in the Conditions of the same the moneyes shall be expressed to be for the use of my said sonnec And then and in such case if any losse doe happen to my Estate my Execu- tors shall not be therewith Chargeable “AND I doe hereby revoke all former wills by me made And doe declare This my present Testament to be my very last will and none other IN WITNES whereof I have hereunto sett my hand and seal the day and years First above written. The marke of the said Richard Charnocke “Signed sealed Published and declared and delivered by the said Richard Charnocke the Testator as and for his last will and Testament in the presence of John Alsope Sorivener William Braxton and John Bargeman his Servants.” Probate was granted to Stephen Charnocke on the 2nd June 1665, power being reserved to issue the same to Job, the other execuior, on his return to England. The Charnocks were a Lancashire faimily. They are said to have assumed the local name of their dwelling places in Ley- land Hundred in that country, and to have given them the distinguishing epithets of Charnock Richard, Heath Chamock 156 JOB CHARNOCK and Charnock Gogard. These are all mentioned in the 13th century and the villages of Charnock Richard and Charnock Heath are still so called. They legacy of Richard Charnock to Penwortham and Hutton indicates that he had cause to be specially interested in those parishes, one of which may have been his birth place. Unfortunately, the early registers of Penwortham, which might have cleared up this point, were destroyed by fire in 1857. A branch of the Charnock family settled in London and another in Hullcott, Bedfordshire, botn in the 16th century, and Richard Charnock, as a London citizen and the owner of pro- perty in Bedfojd, may possibly have been connected with both branches ; but no actual proof is forthcoming. As regards the relationship between Richard and Job Charnock, there can be no reasonable doubt. No record has been found of any other Job Charnock at this period and the fact that Richard Charnock’s younger son was out of England when the will was drawn up goes far to establish his identity with the famous Anglo-Indian. There is moreover, the addi- tional proof in Job’s bequest to the poor of the district in which Richard Charnock resided. The identification of Richard Charnock’s elder son Stephen presents rather more difficulty. There is a great temptation to connect him with Stephen Charnock, puritan divine and chaplain to Henry Cromwell (a son of the Protector), and there are several reasons in favour of this theory. The divine was born in the parish of St. Katharine Cree in 1628, where Job also appears to have been born some two or three years later. JOB CHARNOCK 157 Subsequently, Richard Charnock probably removed to the parish of St. Mary Woolchurch7 where he died. At any rate, the divine’s father was also a Richard Charnock. The absence in the will of any allusion to Stephen’s profession may be accounted for in two ways. First the chaplain had fallen into ill odour after the Protector’s death and he remained in obscurity in London for fifteen years with no regular charge. Secondly, Richard Charnock was probably a Royalist and High Churchman and consequently would have little sympathy with his son’s puritanical views. The main obstacle to the identification of the divine with the brother of Job Charnock lies in the statement in Wood’s Athena; ( ed. Bliss, III, 1234-6) that Stephen’s father, Richard Charnock, was “ an attorney or solicitor”. However, 1 have searched in vain for any record of a Richard Charnock, solicitor at this period. I have also discovered but one will of a Stephen Charnock8 and this was proved in 1680, the date given as that of the death of the divine0. 1 am therefore inclined to think that the Athene v must be in error and that Richard Charnock, yeoman, was the father of both Henry Cromwell’s chaplain and the founder of Calcutta. It now only remains to quote the will of Job Charnock who spent at least 37 years of his life in India and ended his days there on the 10th January, 1693. The will was dated from the infant settlement of Chuttanuttee (Sutanati), afterwards to become famous as Calcutta. So far as I am aware, no complete copy of the document has been printed and I therefore give it in full.10 IN THE NAME OF GOD AMEN. “I Job Charnock at present Agent for Affaires of the Right honoble. English East India Company in Bengali 158 JOB CHARNOCK being indisposed in body but perfect and sound in mind and memory doe make and ordaine this to be my last Will and Testament ( Vizt .) “Imprimis I bequeath my soul to Almighty God who gave it and my body to be decently burryed at the discretion of my Overseers and for what estate it hath pleased Almighty God to bless me withhall I doe hereby will and bequeath it as followeth. “Secondly I will and bequeath that all debts or claimes lawfully made on me be discharged by my Overseers. “Thirdly I give and bequeath to my beloved Friend Daniel Sheldon11 Esquire Seventy pounds Sterling as a Legacy to buy him a Ring. “Fourthly I give and bequeath to the honble. Nath (aniel) Higginson12 as a Legacy to buy him a Ring four hundred Rupees. “Sixthly I give and bequeath to Mr. John Hill13 as a Legacy to buy him a Ring two hundred Rupees and that likewise he be paid out of my parte of the permission Trade Commission one hundred Rupees more in all three hundred Rupees. “Seventhly I give and bequeath to Mr. Francis Ellis14 as a Legacy to buy him a Ring one hundred and fifty Rupees.” “Eighthly I doe hereby ordaine and appointed (sic) the honble. Nathaniel Higginson President of Madras and Mr. John Beard of Councill in Bengali to be overseers10 of this my will. JOB CHARNOCK 159 “Ninthly I give and bequeath to the poore of the Parish of Cree Church London the Summe of fifty pounds Sterling. “Tenthly I give and bequeath to Budlydasse (Badli Das) one hundred Rupees and the meanest sort of my sonns Cloathes lately deceased. “Eleventhly I give and bequeath to the Doctor now attending me Fifty Rupees. “Twelfthly I give and bequeath to my Servants Gunny- shams (Ghansyam) and Dallub (Dalab) each twenty Rupees. “Thirteenthly I give and bequeath after the payment of the abovementioned debts Legacies that ail my whole Estate in India and elsewhere be equally given and distributed to my three daughters Mary Elizabeth and Katherine only with this reservation that as an addition to my daughter Marys portion there shall be paid her out of my daughter Eliza (beths) and Katherines two thirds Six hundred pounds Sterling. “Fourteenthly I will and desire my Overseers before- mentioned that my three daughters be sent with a convenient handsome equipage for England and recommended to the Care of my well beloved friend Daniell Sheliton (sic) Esqr. in London and that their Estates be invested in goods proper for Europe and sent as by the Right honoble. Companies Permission on as many and such shipps as my Overseers shall think convenient. “Fifteenthly I hereby accquitt Mr. Charles Pate from his debt to me of Fifty Pagodas lent him at the Fort.1 7 160 JOB CHARNOCK “Lastly I will and ordaine the honoble. Daniell Sheldon and my eldest daughter Mary Charnock to be Executors of this my last will and Testament revoaking and disanulling all former or other Will or Wills that have beene made in witness whereof I have hereunto putt my hand and seale this ninth day of January one thousand Six hundred and ninety two (1692/3). JOB CHARNOCK Signed and Sealed in the presence of Jonathan White Francis Houghton John Hill.” Probate was granted on the 12th June 1695, to Robert Dorrell, attorney to Mary Charnock, Daniel Sheldon renoun- cing. Job Charnock’s behest with regard to his daughters’ return to England was disregarded. The three girls, children of his native wife, remained in India and married there. Mary be- came the first wife of Charles Eyre, Charnock's successor as Agent in Bengal. She died on the 19th February, 1697. Elizabeth married William Bowridge, a junior merchant in the Company’s service. He died in April, 1724, and his widow survived in Calcutta until August, 1753. Mary Charnock, Job’s youngest daughter, married Jonathan White, also a servant of the Company. He became Second of Council and died in Calcutta on the 3rd January, 1704, three years after the death of his young wife. It is interesting to trace the fate of Job Charnock’s bequest to the poor of his native parish. JOB CHARNOCK 161 A vestry minute of St. Katharine Cree of the 28th August, 1695, records the gift of “Mr. Job Charnock, late of the East Indies, merchant, of 50 7, to the poor of this parish,” and further states that it was ordered at that vestry, that “in consideration of the said 50 7. the poor should have distributed amongst them 3 7. yearly, for ever, by two equal payments, upon the 5th November and 5th February.” At a subsequent vestry, held on the 1st February, 1699, it was ordered that “the 50 7. given to the parish for the use of the poor by Mr. Job Charnock, and the 100 7. given for the like use by Mr. John Jackson should be settled on the house belonging to the parish, situate in Fenchurch-street, and the said house was thereby charged with the repayment thereof, with live per cent, interest, such interest being 7 7. 10 s., to be yearly paid for the use of the poor. 1 8 In 1860, the house No. 91, Fenchurch-street, was let on lease to John Moore for a term of 21 years from Christmas, 1849, at the rent of £ 42 per annum, and Charnock’s £ 2.10 interest was carried to the bread account for the distribution of twenty 2 lb. loaves to 20 persons every Sunday. For the later history of the bequest I am indebted to Mr. Henry Bowyear, Chief Charity Commissioner, who informs me that “The house. No. 91, Fenchurch-street, was taken under the provisions of Michael Angelo Taylor’s Act (57 Geo. III. c. XXIX) and the purchase money was paid into Court and was represented by a sum of £ 1,949-10-8 Consols. By the state- ment prepared under the City of London Parochial Charities Act, 1883, for the Parish of St. Katharine Cree, this sum is scheduled as the endowment of the three Charities of Richard 11 162 JOB CHARNOCK Lingham, Job Charnock and John Jackson, and by the operation of that Act and the Central Scheme made thereunder, on the 23rd February, 1891, it was merged in the Central Fund of the City Parochial Foundation.” 1. Correspondence of Richard Edwards, 1669-78 (N. & Q. from Jan. 1917) 2. Blackwood's Magazine , June, 1902, pp 771-782 3. Wills, P.C.C., 58 Hyde 4. Penwortham, a parish in the Hundred of Leyland, Lancas- ter, two miles S.W. of Preston. 5. A township in Penwortham containing a free grammar school. 6. Candlewick Street, at the east end of “Great Eastcheape,” now known as Camion Street. 7. The church of St. Mary Woolchurch was not rebuilt after the great fire of 1666. Its site was roughly that of the present Mansion House. 8. Wills, P.C.C., 92 Bath. 9. See the article on Stephen Charnock in the DICTIONARY OF NATIONAL BIOGRAPHY. 10. Wills, P.C.C., 91 Irby. 11. Chief at Kasimbazar, 1658-1665. He returned to England in 1666. 12. Governor of Fort St. George, Madras, 1692-98. 13. Captain John Hill, “Secretary and Captain of the Soldiers”, see Yule, HEDGES’ DIARY, 11, 92. JOB CHARNOCK 163 14. Then Second of Council at Hugh. He died at Fort St. George in 1704. 15. Governor of Bengal, 1701-1710. )6. Executors in Bengal. 1 7. Fort St. George, Madras. IS. Reports made to the Charity Commissioners, Accounts and Papers (H. of C. Vols, 71 and 334 of 1904). JOB CHARNOCK, THE FOUNDER OF CALCUTTA, AND THE ARMENIAN CONTROVERSY By H.W.B. Moreno1 Quite a controversy has circled round the name of Job Charnock, whether he was the founder of Calcutta or not. The Armenians have pointed out, with pardonable pride, that to them must be given the honour as the founders of the city, for they had a settlement in Sutanuti, the site of modern Calcutta, long before Job Charnock landed at, what was to be known after- wards as, Calcutta. Certain Englishmen have shown a tendency to support the theory of the Armenian founding of Calcutta ; and if they have not done so openly and avowedly they have certainly done so in a manner that casts a shade of discredit on the Job Charnock theory. That eminent antiquarian, the late Professor C.R. Wilson, M.A., writing in the Englishman (Calcutta) as far back as the 31st January 1895 under the head- ing “Armenian Founders of Calcutta,” has stated that “it is gratifying to learn that the efforts which have recently been made by various enquirers and in various ways to push back the history of Calcutta to the remoter past, before the formation of the English settlement under Job Charnock, have not heen altogether without fruit. By slow degrees evidences are being accumulated which tend to connect Calcutta with earlier traders and to prove that even before the building of Fort William the place was not without importance.” After reviewing the evi- dences in favour of the Armenians being the founders of Cal- cutta, the learned professor concludes his arguments in a half- JOB CHARNOCK 165 certain manner, couched in the form of a question : “Was there already,” he asks, “an Armenian settlement here? Are the Armenians, after all, the founders of the city?” This attempt, by no means far reaching in its consequence, to upset the Job Charnock theory would have died a natural death had not quite recently Mr. L.S.S O'Malley, I.C.S., in charge of the Census operations in Bengal, resuscitated the question in a still more dubious form. Dealing with the Armenians as one of the communities in Bengal, Mr. O’Malley points out that they had a settlement in Sutanuti (the site of modern Calcutta) at least 60 years before the foundation of Calcutta by Job Charnock. There is no open avowal here, but from this statement the inference may be drawn that the Armenians, in some sense of the word, founded Calcutta, or what became known as Calcutta afterwards, long before Job Charnock landed and dreamed his dreams of foundation. To remove any such doubt and clear the ground as far as may be, a careful survey is necessary of all the evidence pertaining thereto. For the theory of the Armenian foundation of Calcutta what is the evidence in support ? It pivots round an inscription on a tomb in the Armenian Churchyard of Calcutta bearing a date which, on translation, corresponds with the English Calendar reckoning, as the 11th of July 1630 A. D. which is certainly anterior to Job Charnock’s final landing in Calcutta, after a series of adventures, at noon on Sunday, the 24th August 1690 when the city may be said to have been actually founded. To have the evidence in extenso as to the Armenian foundation of the city, one is forced to quote largely from that able treatise, “The History of the Armenians in India” by Mr. Mesrovb J. Seth. It says “Prior to the days of Job Charnock and his founding of Calcutta in 1690 the Armenians, whose love of commerce has 166 JOB CHARNOCK always been proverbial, had formed a small commercial settle- ment in the village of Sutanuti, corresponding with the native portion of Calcutta traversed by Chitpore Road. Hautkhola Ghat was then known as Sutanuti Ghat. Though this statement regarding the early settlement of the Armenians in Calcutta might be questioned by zealous critics and antiquarians, it is supported by monumental evidence which places its accuracy beyond all doubt, The writer (Mr. Mesrovb J. Seth) has lately brought to light an interesting inscription in the Armenian language, on a tombstone in the Armenian Churchyard of Calcutta bearing date the 11th July 1630A.D. of which the following is a verbatim translation : — “This is the tomb of Rezabeebah, wife of the late charitable Sookeas, who departed from this world to life eternal on the 21st day of Nakha (11th July, in the year 15 (New Era of Julfa - 1630 A. D.)”. 2 “That the Armenians had established themselves in Calcutta before the arrival of Job Charnock, is evident from the date of the above inscription which is beyond doubt the oldest in Calcutta. The authenticity of the date might be questioned on the ground that the present Armenian Church was not at that time in existence, having been erected in the year 1724. Its site was the old Armenian burying- ground. Previous to 1724 the Armenians worshipped in a small chapel, built of timber, about a hundred yards to the south of the present church. This Armenian inscription upsets the ordinarily accepted account of the history of Calcutta prior to the British settlement, for it dates as far back as 1630, or about 60 years before Job Charnock, the East India Company’s Agent, set foot in Calcutta and hoisted the British flag on the banks of the Hooghly on that memorable day, the 24th of August 1690.” JOB CHARNOCK 167 What are then the salient points for discussion as found in this review of the theory of the Armenian foundation of Cal- cutta ? First, that the Armenians settled for the purpose of commerce in the village of Sutanuti, next that they “worshipped in a small chapel, built, of timber,” therein situated, and lastly, that in 1630 A.D., corresponding by calculation to a certain year in the Armenian Calendar, there was erected the tomb of one “Rczabeebah the wife of the late charitable Sookeas”. Taking the second point first it must be asserted that the “small chapel, built of timber” was nowhere in existence in 1630 A.D. Its erection took place when it was built for them by the Hon’ble East India Company in 1689, in accordance with the agreement made with them in 1688, through that born diplo- matist and leader of men, the Armenian Khoja Phanoos Kalendar, through whose good influence many far-reaching privileges were granted by the Company. It is interesting to note the terms of the order. It runs : — “Whenever forty or more of the Armenian Nation shall become inhabitants of any garrisons, cities or town belonging to the Company in the East Indies, the said Armenians shall not only enjoy the free use and exercise of their religion, but there shall also be allotted to them a parcel of ground to erect a Church thereon for worship and service of God in their own way. And that we (this led to the putting up of “ small chapel built of timber”) “which afterwards the said Armenians may alter and build with stone, or solid materials to their own good liking.” (This was subseqently done and the present Armenian Church of St. Nazareth was erected in 1724 not far from the site occupied by the timber-built chapel). “Afltithe said Governor and the Company will also fifty pounds per annum, during the space of 168 JOB CHARNOCK seven years, for maintenance of such priest or minister as they shall chose to officiate therein, Given under the Company’s Larger Seal, etc., June 22, 1488.” Having disposed of the second point as to the date of the erection of the timber-built chapel, the first and last points may be taken together, namely, the settlement of the Armenians at Sutanuti long before the advent of Job Charnock and tomb of Rezabeebah bearing the date equivalent to the English year 1632 A.D. That the Armenians traded with the people of India long before the British touched its shores is undoubted. As far back as 780 A.D. it is said that one Thomas Cana landed on the Malabar Coast. He is better known by the name of Mar Thomas. A this time Shoo Ram was ruler of Cranganore. Thirsting for trade and laden with attractive stuffs from where they came the Armenians marched the length and breadth of India bartering their wares, and in many cases amassing considerable wealth. But were they settlers in the real sense of the word? Was their purpose that of acquiring settlement in India and abiding therein or were they merely itinerant traders ? On this point it seems the whole discussion hinges. If they owned settlements and treated them as exclusively theirs, they may rightly be said to have settled in [ndia. Austin in descri- bing ownership (cf. Jurisprudence II, p. 477, also of. Ill p. 2) points out that it is a right “over a determinate thing, indefinite in point of user, unrestricted in point of disposition and unlimi- ted in point of duration.” Were the Armenians, in the light of this definition, owners of Sutanuti? It is to be feared they were not. They have been at the village, they may have resided there, they may have even buried their dead so long as they abided there, but did that give them ownership ? JOB CHARNOCK 169 The Armenians settled as traders in Benares, in Patna and Behar, in the last of which places they buried their dead, erec- ting tombstones over them, some of which are preserved to this day ; in Svdabad and Chin surah they resided more permanently and effected much good in the erection of public places of wor- ship and almshouses, not to speak of other munificent donations they gave in the cause of charity, but nowhere is it mentioned or claimed that they had settlements there. They came and went as other traders before and after them had done. Indeed, if mere trade with the inhabitants of a village may count as evidence as to the foundation of a city, the Portuguese had long forestalled the Armenians in the founding of Calcutta, for we read that the Port of the future Calcutta was early known to the Portuguese whose galleons from 1530 onwards anchored there for the purpose of transferring cargo to the country craft that lay all around (cf. Sir W. Hunter’s The Thackerciys in India ; Some Calcutta Graves, p. 38). The erection then of a single tomb, however ancient it may be, by itself, affords but slender evi- dence for the founding of a city, for “Rezabeebah” may have been “the wife of the charitable Sookeas” who in the English year 1630 A.D. may have lost her while she devotedly shared with him his perilous journeys as a trader, and, who to honour her pious memory may have erected this tombstone which has * so long withstood the ravages of wind and rain and the other obliterating elements of the destructive climate of Lower Bengal. On the other hand what is the evidence as to the founding of Calcutta by Job Charnock? In 1655 or about 1656 Job Charnock sailed for India. In 1680, when he had married his Hindu wife, whose memory he cherished long after death by an anniversary sacrifice of a cock on her tomb, he was promoted 170 JOB CHARNOCK to the more central charge of the Company’s house of business near the modern Murshidabad, with the claim to succeed as chief of all the factories in Bengal at Hugli town. Harassed on all sides by foreign foes and misjudged by his masters, the Directors of the Company in England, he slipped away from Hugli town in 1686, dropped down the river twenty-seven miles and anchored in the long deep pool opposite Sutanati Hat, or Cotton Thread Mart, a mere hamlet, a bazar of mat huts. For four months he laboured to form a settlement there on the low bank of the river and even hoped for permission to build a fort. His one thought was to make his masters the owners of the settlement against all others, but he failed in the beginning, for the odds were against him ; and the founding of Calcutta dates not with the year 1686 or 1687 for the reason that there was no English settlement established in the place at that time. The Moghul forces began to press upon him and his small garrison ; and he was compelled to fortify himself at Hugli on the east bank of the river which place proving equally unsuccessful, he tried another, Ulubaria, “the abode of owls”, half way up the river. Thwarted on all sides, after undergoing all sorts of privations and dangers in his wanderings. Job Charnock with his Council and Factors landed for the third and last time at the Cotton Mart, by noon, on Sunday, the 24th of August 1690. In their Consultation Book, bearing that date, it is mentioned they “found the place in a deplorable condition, nothing being left for our present accommodation, and the rain falling day and night.” Yet from this date begins the actual founding of Calcutta for the English by Job Charnock for henceforward he permanently established himself therein, raising fortifications for its defence and guarding the settlement for the English. Scramb- ling up the mud bank at that time with an emaciated guard of only thirty soldiers, he maintained his position against all odds, JOB CHARNOCK 171 and Calcutta, then the haunt of malaria, the abode of the wild hog, the buffalo and the tiger, by dint of perseverance and the dogged energy of its founder grew to be, for many years after, the British capital of India, and is even now the largest city of the Indian Empire. The early history of Calcutta is begemmed with the heroic deeds of its intrepid founder ; all through the merciless rains of 1690 he struggled on. Opposed by Indians, by Frenchmen and even by his own countrymen he plodded on in the founding of the settlement, till his labour seemed nought more than the out- come of foolish obstinacy Yet Calcutta grew apace. Sir William Hunter describing those stirring times goes on to men- tion how the place ‘*once fortified, its position secured it on three sides from attack. Its deep harbour atti acted the trade from the Dutch and French settlements on the shallow reaches higher up the river, and the native merchants began to crowd to a place where they felt safe. It was perceived that a few armed ships in the Calcutta pool could cut off the upper settlement from the sea. But the fever-haunted swamp which stretched beyond the high river bank exacted a terrible price for its prosperity The name of Calcutta, taken from a neighbouring Hindu shrine, was identified by mariners with Golgotha — the place of skulls. By the middle of 1692 they had made firm their footing. Within a decade after Charnock finally landed on the deserted river bank in 1690, it had become a mart with 1,250 European inhabitants, of whom 450 were buried between the months of August and January in one year. The miseries of the fever-stricken land throughout 1690 and 1691 are not to be told in words.” On the 10th January 1693 Ctfarnock went to his grave a sorrowing man misjudged by those who should have honoured 172 JOB CHARNOCK him for his noble work. He lies buried in the cemetery of the Old Cathedral (St. John’s Church), a fit resting-place for one who had laid the foundations of the city in the years gone by. As the inscription over his tomb asserts, he was a sojourner “qui postquam in solo non suo peregrinatus esset diu, reversus est domum suae acternitatis” (a wanderer, who after sojourning for a long time in a land not his own, returned 10 his Eternal Home). No one will refuse the credit due to the Armenians who were the forerunners of the British, as merchants and tradesmen in India ; no one will deny that they have stood loyally by the British in all times of necessity and trouble, giving of their best and manfully fighting and dying to establish British supremacy in India ; but if the founding of a city be more than the mere trading with people, if it be the ownership of its soil, the armed protection of its inhabitants and the establishment of a centre where citizens may come and go without fear ol rapine, then the palm for the founding of Calcutta must unhesitatingly be awarded to Job Charnock, who lies peacefully within its pale, while on all sides is the hum and commotion of its busy thoroughfares, while round about rise buildings upon buildings, magnificent in structure and stately in appearance, which go to make up the one-time metropolis of India, a glorious city which in the dim distant days he so heroically founded. (From the CALCUTTA REVIEW for April 1915 —No. 280 — pp 207-215) Notes : — 1. Mr H W.B. Moreno, the author, was attached to the Armenian College, Calcutta. 2. “The New Era of Julfa in this year of grace (1895) is 280 and is known amongst us (the Armenians) as the “Era of JOB CHARNOCK 173 Azarea,” after one Azarea who reformed the Calendar. This era dates from the founding of the city of Julfa, a suburb of Ispahan and the headquarters of the Armenians in Persia, where they have settled since the days of Shah Abbas the Great, in the early part of the Seventeenth Century.” THE MAUSOLEUM OF JOB CHARNOCK By The Rev. H. B. Hyde The Charnock Mausoleum in St. John’s Churchyard is a massive structure, octagonal in form with a double dome. In each face there is a low and narrow archway. It was placed so as immediately to form the original entrance to the Burying- ground, which opened north of it. It is fair to assume that the date of the structure which has every appearance of great antiquitv, is that of the cutting of the inscription in memory of Job Charnock himself. This date is ascertainable within narrow limits. There are 4 black stone slabs now within the tomb, two of them certainly removed thither from other parts of the ground. Of the remaining two, one, of surprising thickness, is to the memory of Catherine White, the youngest daughter of Job, who died on the 21st January 1700/1 ; to this slab a fellow is found outside the mausoleum, exactly like it in size and details of ornament: this latter is to the memory of Jonathan White, 2nd of Council, Catherine’s husband, who died January 3rd, 1703/4. Ft is one of 30 or more monumental slabs which were removed from other parts of ground when the ruinous tombs were dismantled in 1802. As Catherine’s epitaph and this one must have originally been set close together, we may therefore reject her’s from being, as is usually supposed, one of the proper occupants of the mausoleum. It must be acknow- ledged that this slab of Catherine is so strikingly like, both in * The Rev. Hyde's -‘Note on the Mausoleum of Job Charrock and the bones recently discovered within it*', appeared in the PROCEED- INGS OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, January-December, 1893, pp 78-83. JOB CHARNOCK 175 size and ornament, to that of her father, beside which it is now fixed upright, that it would never to the casual observer, especially if he had noticed her husband’s epitaph outside, that the memorials of Job and Catherine were not originally intended to be side by side to. A closer observer will readily detect a striking difference in the style of lettering. One slab only therefore now remains for consideration that which bears the name of the Father of Calcutta himself. This slab contains two inscriptions, the former is to Job Charnock, who died January 10th, 1692/3, and the latter to his eldest daughter, Mary, wife of Charles Eyre, Charnock’s next successor but one in the Bengal agency; she died on February 19th, 1696/7. A close inspection of this slab and comparison of the lettering of the two inscriptions make it abundantly plain that they are not contemporaneous works but that the lower half of the slab had been purposely left blank to receive such an inscrip- tion as it now exhibits. Thus, the mausoleum with originally one epitaph must have been completed some time prior to the year 1697, and the addition made to it prior to the early part of 1698 when Mr. Eyre returned home, for it is to be presumed, from the terms of the epitaph, that he was at the time when it was written actually “perfect of the English”. It is true he returned i,n 1700 and for a few months resumed his former charge, but it was with the title of knighthood which does not distinguish his name in the epitaph. Charles Eyre, as Charnock’s son-in-law, and successor in the agency, is the likeliest person to have erected the mauso- leum. It is possible that he may have done so at the charge of the Company, for the Court had certainly a very high opinion of the worth of its old servant, but no evidence of this is forth- 176 JOB CHARNOCK coming, and it is likely that so exceptional a testimonial of good opinion as the dedication to his memory of this costly monu- ment by the Company would have found some expression in the epitaph. As an argument that the mausoleum is not likely to have been built within a good twelve month and more of Charnock’s death, may be adduced the disorderly condition of the factory at that period. On the 12th August 1693, Sir John Golds- borough the Company’s Supervisor, Commissary General and Chief Governor in East India, visited the settlement, and has left an account of the deplorable state of affairs he found there. Charnock’s place was filled by Mr. Francis Ellis, an old servant of the Company, who had done nothing to reform the licentious and riotous living of the resident English which had strangely disgraced the two years and five months of Charnock’s govern- ment of his new settlement. These disorders require some explanation, seeing that Charnock in Hugh and Kasimbazar was certainly a man of will and of honour in his discharge of his duty towards his masters. They may be partly explained by suppo- sing that his physical and mental constitution had, after an abnormally long and trying residence in Bengal, at length broken down. An indolence crept over him which became marked by a timorous tinge to his former self-reliant character. The expectation of the formation of the rival company daunted him. “The law courts at Madras scared him exceedingly, so that he was afraid to think of meddling with any body”. Everyone did that which seemed good in his own eyes”. He never even planned out the premises of a factory: everyone built houses, enclosed lands, Or dug tanks just as and when he chose. Tradition, as it came to Captain Hamilton a few years later, said that he loved to inflict the chaubuk on his native JOB CHARNOCK 177 subordinates for transgression of his arbitary commands, and that “the execution was generally done when he was at dinner, so near his dining room that the groans and cries of the poor delinquents served him for music”. Some said he turned heat- hen and sacrificed a fowl on the grave of his native wife at each anniversary of her death. Sir John Goldsborough asserts that he developed a fancy for encouraging quarrels between his subordinates ; and leaving his business affairs in the hands of the captain of his little garrison, (now reduced to a sergeant, two drummers and twenty sepoys), he used to amuse himself with the help of the said sergeant in arranging duels out of the quarrels he had fomented while the worshipful agent led the disorders, the Captain pandered to the debaucheries. He kept, without being required to pay the fees for a licence, a public punch-house and billiard table, and he let his wife turn papist without control. It is quite likely that in the markedly devout mould in which Charnock’s epitaph is couched, we should trace a strain of vindication on Eyre’s part as against detractors of the estimable quality which marked his father-in law’s true character ere his mind became clouded in his last two years. Jt is remarkable that the epitaph attributes his Christian burial to the will of the deceased himself and the Christian hope expressed is uttered in Charnock’s name. The epitaph reads as follows : — D. O. M. Jobus Charnock, Armiger Anglus, et nup in hoc regno Bengalensi dignissim, Anglorum Agens. Mortalitatis suae exuvias 12 178 JOB CHARNOCK sub hoc marmore deposuit, ut in spe beatae resurectionis ad Christi judicis advenlum obdormirent. Qui postquam in solo non Suo peregrinatus esset dice. Reversus est domum suae aeter- nitatis decimo die Januurii 1692. Mr. Eyre took charge of the agency on the 25th January 1693/4, and since the inscription on the slab was in situ , with its lower half vacant in February 1696/7 the erection of the mausoleum cannot therefore be dated many months earlier or later than the year 1695. One may certainly therefore claim it to be the oldest example of British masonry now existing in Calcutta. The original Fort William itself was not begun till 1696 and was 3 years in building. In the year 1696, then, we may assume the mausoleum stood as we see it now and contained within it a table monument bearing on its upper face the black slab with the inscription, brought, it is usually thought, from Madras. We may assume that the monument was a table shape from the fact that the slab is worked in mouldings on the underside of its edge, suggesting that it was to project somewhat all round beyond a base of masonry. There can be no doubt therefore that whoever else may have been afterwards interred within the great tomb, the body of Charnock must have occupied the central position. It had been the general impression derived from the resonance of the floor of the mausoleum when struck by the foot about the centre that it contained a hollow vault. This floor having become decayed JOB CHARNOCK 179 and the whole edifice being in November last under repair by the Department of Public Works, it was thought well to take advantage of the opportunity before a new floor was put in and ascertain by some small excavations whether such a vault existed or not. Legend affirmed that Charnock had been interred in the same grave with his native wife, and the vault might contain some evidence in support or refutation of this legend, or per- chance coffin-plates or other objects that might afford historical interest. About 4 feet of earth was accordingly opened but no trace of a vault appeared except that the quantity of bricks mixed up with the earth suggested that a brick grave had originally existed which might have been destroyed when Mr. Eyre opened the tomb to lay the remains of his wife Catherine beside those of her father in February 1 096/7. The excavation was then ordered to be stopped, but through some misunder- standing it was continued. On veiling the mausoleum next morning, viz., on Tuesday, the 22nd of November last, l found that the grave had been opened to a depth of fully six feet, at which depth the diggers had stopped having met with a trace of human remains. The excavation was somewhat smaller than an ordinary grave and lay E. and W. in the centre of the floor. At the bottom of it the workmen had cleared a level, at the western end of which they were beginning to dig a little deeper when a bone became visible. This bone was left in situ, undistur- bed. and the digging had ceased on its discovery. On seeing this bone l felt sure it could be no other than one of the bones of the left fore-arm of the person buried which must have lain crossed upon the breast. A little beyond it I observed a small object in the earth which I took at first for a large coffin nail, but on this being handed up to tfie, it was apparent that it was the largest joint, of probably a middle finger, and that, judging 180 JOB CHARNOCK from its position relatively to the bone, of the left fiand. This bone I replaced. I permitted no more earth to be removed save only a little above and to the east of the remains, sufficient to reveal a black stratum in the soil which might have been the decayed coffin-lid. It was quite evident that a few more strokes of the spade would discover the rest of the skeleton, perhaps perfect after just 200 years of burial. There can be no reason- able doubt, but that arguing from the position of the body and the depth at which it lay, it was the very one to enshrine which only, the mausoleum was originally built, the mortal part of the Father of Calcutta himself. Having seen what T did, 1 had the grave filled in, for I feared to leave it open least the coolies might ransack its contents in search of rings or other valuables, and further I felt it improper, in view of the interest which must attach to such investigation, to permit to continue it alone. If it were to be prosecuted at all it should at least be in presence of a representative company of Englishmen. For my own part with the bones of the famous pioneer’s hand accidentally discovered before me and the strange and solemn statement of his epitaph just above them that he had laid his mortal remains there himself “ ut in spe beatae resurectionis ad Cfiristi judicis adventum obdormirent I felt strongly restrained from examining them further The discovery was, at once duly reported to the several heads of the civil and ecclesiastical departments of Government within whose jurisdiction it had been made. The bones disclosed lie at a depth of six feet below the middle of a line drawn upon the floor between the innermost western edge of the S.W. and N.W. entrance to the mausoleum. JOB CHARNOCfC 181 The epitaph added beneath Job Charnock’s is : — Pariter jacet Maria Jobi-Primogenita Caroli Eyre Anglorum hicce Praefecti conjux Chanssima, Quae obiit 19 die Februarii A.D. 1696/7. That on the slab now beside the former is : — Hie Jacel Catherine While Domini Jonathanis White, uxor dilecUssima et Tov Makapitov Jobi Charnock filia natu minima ; quae primo in partu et aetatis florc Annum agens urum de viginte : Mortem obiit heu 1 immaluram 21 Januarii 1700/1. Siste parumper, Christjane Lector (Vel quis es tandem) et mccum defle Duram sexus muliebris sortem Qui per elapsa tot annorum millia Culpam prim Evae luit Parentis Et luet usque ; Dum aeternum stabit In dolore paries filios. — Genesis iii. 16. THE PETROLOGY OF JOB CHARNOCK’S TOMBSTONE By Thomas H. Holland, A R.G.S., F.G.S., Geological Survey of fndia. (Received August 29th (1893), Read November 1st) At the suggestion of the Rev. H.B. Hyde, T recently examined the tombstone preserved in the ‘Charnock Mausoleum’, St. John’s Churchyard, to the memory of Job Charnock f. Apart from its historic interest, the rock itself, being of a type hitherto undescribed, is of sufficient scientific value to call for a description. The abundance of blue quartz, the occasional crystals of garnet, the black, and sometimes bronzy-looking, pyroxene, and the cleavage laces of the felspars are characters which are at once striking features in the hand-specimen. Under the microscope, the rock is seen to be granitic in structure ; that is, it is perfectly crystalline throughout, with the crystals mutually interlocked, and the intergrowth so perfect that in places a beautiful micro-pegmatitic structure results. The following minerals can be identified (1) Quartz, (2) Ortho- clase (Microcline), (3) Plagioclase, (4) Hypersthene, (5) Garnet, and (6) Magnetite. * From the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol LXM Part II 1893 t Job Charnock died in 1693 and the tombstone was erected about two years later. JOB CHARNOCK 183 (1) The Quartz- Crystals are crowded with minute acicular inclusions, the structure of which cannoi be made out with the microscope ; they are arranged without discoverable regularity: and are probably the cause of the blue colour seen in hand- specimens. Blue quartz-crystals have been noticed before in granites and granitites, as in that from Rumburg in Sweden. (2) Orthoclase and Microcline. Most of the potash-felspars show the remarkable and unmistakable microcline structure. Occasionally also the orthoclase is seen presenting the “strei- fige” appearance due to regularly arranged intergrowlhs with a plagioclase, giving rise to the structure described by Beeke as micro-perthitic. To prove the identity of this felspar, 1 have isolated crystals having a specific gravity of 2.59, and examined them chemically by Szabo’s method. (3) Plagioclase occurs only in small quantities. The isolated crystals show the characteristic twinning, with extinction — angles approaching those of oligoclase. (4) Hypersthene occurs, not in large quantities, but presen- ting its characteristic pleochroism and straight extinction. The presence of this mineral is a feature of exceptional interest from the fact that, so far as I am aware, a hypersthene- granite has never been recorded, although the mineral has been frequently found as a constituent of the intermediate, basic and ultra-basic holocrystalline rocks. The precise reasons why the micas, hornblendes, and, more rarely, augites should occur as the ferro- magnesiam constituents of granites, and not hypersthene, have never been accurately settled. The discovery of hypersthene, therefore, in this capacity fills & very well-marked gap in the granitic series, and for the time we can do no more than record 184 JOB CHARNOCK as precisely as possible its nature and mode of occurrence, with the hope that in future the facts may be of service in framing an hypothesis for explaining the fact that chemically similar magmas, under special conditions of temperature and pressure during the process of consolidation, give rise to different mineral species. (5) Garnet of the almandine variety occurs very sparingly in the rock, and seldom shows anything approaching idiomorphic crystaline form. (6) Magnetite in small grains is sparsely scattered amongst the other minerals. The rock has a specific gravity of 2 646, agreeing thus with normal granites. In microscopic and macroscopic characters this rock agrees with certain specimens which I have recently collected in the Madras Presidency. At different places in the south of India (Pallavaram in the Chingleput district, the Shevaroy and Nilgiri hills, in N.W. Madura and in Travancore) there occur exposures of igneous rock in which hypcrsthene is a constant constituent, and which at the same time exhibit every gradation in acidity, from hypersthene-granite, the most silicious (acid), to pyroxenite the most basic. These rocks, although their exposures are now separated by such distances from one another I believe to have been derived from a common molten magma : they belong to one “petrographical province”, and the differentiation of the originally homogeneous molten material into masses so widely distinct in chemical composition can be shown to be in agree- ment with well-established, though recent, physical principles. JOB CHARNOCK 185 The massive rocks of the Nilgiri Hills, and the Shevaroys, as well as the similar rocks found in the localities mentioned above, have been hitherto regarded as belonging to the great metamorphic series of the South. Observations made during recent visits to the Madras Presidency have, however, convinced me that this series, together with certain others not now under discussion, must be looked upon as intrusive igneous rocks of younger age than the normal gneiss. The evidences for these conclusions I hope shortly to produce in detail. For the present, however, we are concerned in identifying Job Charnock’s tombstone with the hypersthene- granites of the Madras Presidency ; and from its proximity to the coast and to Madras, it seems likely that Pallavaram would have been selected by the earlier agents of the East India Company as a source of this handsome rock. Nearly all the old tombstones collected together in St. John’s Churchyard are of the same rock; for example that of Job Charnock’s son-in-law, Jonathan White (1703), and Mrs. Jane Smart (1753). Briefly, the points in which these rocks agree with those of Pallavaram, and upon which l base this identification are these : — (a) Structure (1) Micro-perthitic structure (2) Granophyric (micro-pegmatitic)) structure. (b) Composition (1) The presence of potash-felspar in the form microcline 186 JOB CHARNOCK (2) The presence of hypersthene (3) „ „ blue quartz. (4) „ ,, almandine garnet. (c) The Combination of these minerals with the above-named structures. In this association hypersthene is especially note- worthy for the reason already stated. As this is a new type of rock, and modifications of it occur by the introduction of accessory minerals I would suggest for it the name Cltarnockite, in honour of the founder of Calcutta, who was the unconscious means of bringing, perhaps, the first specimen of this interesting rock to our capital, (pp. 162-164) Part — II JOB CHARNOCK — IN FICTION CHARNOCK’S PROPHETIC SOLILOQUY (From a fragment which ought to have been picked up near a marble slab on a club gate post in Chowringhee : — ) Hail to the last asylum ! Hail to the wanderer’s haven ! Hail to the rents that rise sky-high And the path that’s still unpaven — Here hard by Boytaconnah Under Sealdah’s height. All in the land of Materam — Is fixed the glorious site. Hurrah ! for the great City That stretches many a mile — Hurrah! for gallant merchantmen Who passing make their pile : — Thine Briton, is the pilum, Briton, the pile is thine, The ordered line of stock and share — The corn and oil and wine. There, where the leopard ranges On Howrah’s further shore, The flare from endless flues shall rise For endless looms that roar And here, by miles of jetties, Some day the dust shall foam ’Fore the bright eyes of wives and girls Whose berths are booked for home. All hail ! to Clives stout pilum. All hail 1 the Income-tax All hail ! the cheun of worth that winds 190 JOB CHARNOCK For Madame Grand to “Max” ; — Now by the scented maidan The motor-bus is seen — And clubs and pubs — where tiger-cubs Made frolic on the green. Blast, and thrice blast, the Briton Who sees Ind’s proudest day — Who sees this big malodorous swamp Start on its wondrous way — Here, ’neath this spreading peepul — Big me the future probe — That booms the everlasting fame Of Capiialian Job. - DAK JOB CHARNOCK OF THE MID DAY HALT (24th August 1 690) The warring shires with strife were torn, And England’s King stood sore in need, When, to an English home, was born A child of rock hewn birth and breed. They named him Job before the Lord — — Job Charnock — at a font unknown, While crop-cared might with lifted sword Frowned forward by a self-broke throne. Was it a kneeling mother thought On him of old who walked upright, Who spoke with God, and ever wrought Up-standing in his Maker’s sight ? JOB CHARNOCK 191 Ere Moses dashed the Law in twain At sight of Israel’s molten kine In herding Uz was fashioned plain The role of His acclaimed design Clear called from out the bolt-ripped cloud To flinch not though the mountains jar. And the proud dark, colossal, shroud The rightness of the things that are. Said Job of Time’s unshackled dawn Saw Sabea smite and cursed not fate. He held the hand that rocks the morn And wakes the chambers of the gate. And counting darts but stubble, knew To deem as nought the shaking spear. The habergeon to eschew And front high wrath with kingly fear. And Job of England took the thread Of fate as spun at Heaven’s command* And knew the slings of doubt and dread But deep things out of darkness planned. Perchance, his sire on Naseby sward Saw England’s lion standard shine. And heard the shouts for church and lord Ring all along the charging line. Then saw the stallion squadrons reel At shock of pike and thrust of blade. And, thwarted by a wall of steel, Resistless Rupert all unmade — 192 JOB CHARNOCK The flank flecked manless steeds in flight. The shatterad lance, the dinted mail, A mob-led kingdom madly right. And Rupert’s ride without avail. For who shall scan His wisdom dread ? The paddling droves of Uz delight. To greet the war-star’s panes red That blush the sky-scape of the night. Job’s youth is set behind the reach Of seeking ones who probe and plod. Mayhap, he heard the tinker teach The pilgrim way that leads to God. And crossed the slough by Christian’s side And met the lions, face to face. And fought, with him. Despair and Pride — Great-hearted to the stool of Grace. (Who thinks to-day on Bedford town — On Bedford bridge and reedy stream. Or heeds to take the old tome down To con the glorious tinker’s dream?) Mayhap, he watched: by Whitehall gate Blunt Oliver, uncrowned of men. Full sceptred in a coach and eight — With Milton of the serapbpen. And shouted from the kerb-stone throng. The While the palfreys pranced in line. And thought on that majestic song Of Ormiz and Golconda’s mine. JOB CHARNOCK How Salem’s courts of lattice laced Loud fluttered as the peacocks preened For silken girls, who laughing, graced The rose zananas, ivory screened. What time the poet ruler strode, Arm laden, to the scented room, And tossed to white gemmed hands the load Of woven foam from Dacca’s loom. And mused on Jehan’s marble dream, — High altar of a sleepless love — The bubble dome — the yellow stream — The towers that top the cypress grove. And heard the East a call at thought Of all the apes that swung serene On Olivet from Ophir brought For pearl-roped Sheba’s wistful queen. Who hears the East a-call, must rise And follow fast, in spite of fears, — Though in her lurking glance there lies The sadness of a thousand years. The pilot gone, they slipped the Nore, And left the luring rocks behind Where Tarshish ships, in days of yore, Were broken by the Eastern Wind. And hugged the coast of Atlas crowned. Then, plunging, made the open main. Nor dared the moorman’s seas that bound The couchant lion of granite Spain. 194 JOB CHARNOCK Then Eastward Ho, for Ormuz gold ! And Eastward Ho, for Cape and Bay ! Though England’s oaks are gnarled and old And England’s noons are chill and grey. The wisdom of the world is wise But weary with a weight of fears. With us the course compelling lies ’Tis ours to shape th’ unfolding years. They met the Dutchman bellying past Where crested combers overwhelm. Full hard against th’ opposing blast And Vanderdecken at the helm. And, hunger bitter, sought and sailed Where thiek clouds bind the sullen wave, Where moves Behemoth cedar tailed. With eyes like morning's eye-lids brave. Out of his mouth go lamps a-burn. And all the flakes of all his flesh Wear crimson when the levins turn The winedark flood to light afresh. By amber planets, wan with rain, Stiff moons that tease the troubled soul. Whose meerschaumed seas slide sheer amain, Unending to the southern pole. Then by the Bay where pirates thrive — The pirates who the galleons find — And ill-sagged gusts gales contrive A cauldron of the vexing wind. JOB CHARNOCK 195 The rest is told for those who seek, * 4 The rest is writ for all may see How Charaock, like the well greaved Greek, Held for the West the East in fee. He halted, where the myna wings. And laid the walls of William’s day And all the keels of all the Kings Come riding up the waterway. Wide Asia’s Queen, of sure emprise, The city million-loomed to bless. The city of the flaming skies, The city of the world’s caress. Of fighting Holwell undismayed, Of Hastings of the wondrous brow, Of Plassey of the leaping blade. Of keening kite and scarlet bough. And here he sleeps, and by his side. Sole sharer of death’s kindly gloom. The sapphire girdled dark eye’d bride He wrested from the sandal fume. White Wielder of the Law unbought, High Wardress of the East’s desire. The city of the scatheless court. The city of the pointing spire. (Dak, The Empire , 24th August 1908) THE CITY’S BIRTHDAY “On Saturday , August' 24th, 1690 , was made the * Mid- day 1 1 alt" of Charnock” — (Firminger's Guide to Calcutta,} 1 . He looked along the level flood A-toss to swell the Bay, And knew the ample flow as good For England’s need that day No tyrant havoc’d northward far, — To sun-rise desert wide, — To south the silt-piled shallow bar, — In front the yellow tide. “A halt, a halt !” cried Charnock bold — “The noon is all aflame,” — ‘‘Fling forth the Flag of England old” “In royal William’s name ! ” 2. The Sabbath noon burned full to light The silken folds that flew To warn a world of England’s might And heart the land anew. From fested haunt and godded fane The brown folk eager pressed To scan the leaguers from the main - The users from the West “A halt, a halt — the noon is gay,” — “Where rides the stream at-best !” — Cried Charnock of the jerkin grey — “To Mary leave the rest ! ” 3. The halt well made, the guide rope sped To loose the Flag to breeze, And those there were who bowed the head And those who bent the knees, — JOB CHARNOCK 197 When out upon the Sabbath air The cry rose full and free To Him the help in times that were The hope for years to be. While clear along a palm-set line To Suttanatti’s strand Droned the gold gong of Kali’s shrine To hark the heedless land. 4 The grudging dusk hid palm and shrine In night’s bewildered fold. Where still the stars illumed the sign Of England’s sway unrolled. Ranged fringing lights in amber fret Merged loud bazar and hat With minaret and parapet And mugger guarded ghat. And some were ’tent to seek and slay, And some were fain to spare : — ‘•Good lack 1 ” quoth Cjiarnock where he lay — “How tongues be wagging here ! ” 5. Forgot Hijili’s island hell, ’Lubarias’ fevered round, The hide girt trader wrought him well To lay the city bound. The sword smites clean in England’s cause, The trowel for England rings As true a note for ChurcJ} and Laws As blade for warrior Kings. 198 JOB CHARNOCK “A sword, a sword, an fate may will'r “For my good merchant-men ! ,r Cried Charnock of the wayward quill — “—A sword, a spade,, a pen 1 ” 6. Now all the craft of all the coasts Come bellowing up the Bay, And every pursed armada boasts Its traffickers to-day. Where Danes and Dutch and Frank bid high To woo the land at ease The Wonder-flag patrols the sky And Sentinels the seas, “A halt, a halt,” sang Charnock bold “Pack bale and speed the wain ! ,r And Kali’s burnished gong of gold Droned to the traders’ strain. 7. Stout Charnock sleeps in Johnian shader Beside his gem-decked bride, And William’s walls the users laid Are towered along the tide. But still the Wonder-banner spread From Wellesley’s masted pile Recalls our tale of gallant dead — Sons of a wind-swept isle, — Great hearted ones of England’s breed They held the East in fee Through Him our help in hour of need Our hope for years to be. (Dak, in the Journal , 29th Angust 1909) JOB CHARNOCK’ * The Founder of Calcutta A.D. 1686 to A.D. 1692 Part the First I Proud England may be of the venturous sons Her commerce sent forth in the olden day ; East, west, north, and south they explored at once. Not a sea, nor a river to ocean that runs Escaped their keen search, nor a harbour, nor bay. II Where pours yellow Ganges her western stream To meet the black swell of blue ocean’s tide. Stands Hoogly by Aurungzeeb Shah supreme. Fresh opened for commerce, and his Nazim2 Rules master of all who for trade reside. III The ships of the nations of Europe are there ; The Dutch, and the French, and the Portuguese, In commerce contending, contentedly bear The burthens this Nazim bids foreigners share. When mandates from Delhi demand rupees. IV The English there likewise a factory rear ; The Puritan Ckarnock is placed at its head. His stern British spirit, a stranger to fear. Revolts at oppression, no wrong will he fear, ’Tis a cause in hot youth he hath fought for and bled. 200 JOB CHARNOCK V A difference rises which rivals foment ; The Nazim in anger resolves to expel Presumptuous merchants, who dare to resent His order to raise the tax cent, per cent.. For the foreigners’ license to buy and sell. VI ’Gainst the factory ranged is the force of the state ; The French and the Dutch their artillery lend. The English hold council : the odds are too great ; Tis resolved in the night to their ships to retreat ; Embarking by stealth they the river descend. VII Saith Charnock, “Shall we thus submit to be driven “Like dogs from the seat of a prosperous trade “By a Nazim insulted ? Forbid it, high heaven ! “Redresss I will seek where redress may be given : “Say, comrades, who of ye will follow my lead ? ” VIII Job Charnock hath landed in Balasore bay. And with him a band of bold spirits are gone. Not far off encamped a Mogul army lay, War with Oorias waging, who owned not the sway Of the great Aurungzeeb’s son Shah Aazim-oo-shan. IX In camp the young prince holds a royal court ; There Charnock, a suppliant, stands in Durbar : The army beleaguers a raja's fort, A rebel, who made to the Shah bold retort When summoned for dues of a Zemindar. JOB CHARNOCK 201 X Saith Charnock, “Dread prince, never wall like that “Shall arrest the career of great Aurungzeeb’s son ; ‘'Let a ram be made ready to shatter the gate, “Or over, or through it we’ll penetrate — “And show thy brave troops, how a fort may be won”. XI “We deemed ye were traders, not men of sword ; “Your courage we’ll put to the proof very soon. “If ye be not vain boasters, but men of your word, “And win me the stronghold of this rebel lord, “Ye may ask of my.bounty a royal boon”. XII Job Charnock his brave band leads up to the walls : They carry in slings a young tree fresh felled : They rush at the gate — it is shattered and falls, — Such daring un looked for the rebel appals. The gateway is won, and the garrison yield. XIII “Shabash 1 ” saith the prince, “ye are truly brave men ; “Unfold now your purpose — what boon ye implore”. Job Charnock his talc tells of injuries then — “Grant me never to deal with that Nazim again, “Give a factory’s site on the opposite shore”. XIV “Take three mouzas3 free for this service in war : — “But more wc would grant thee for friendship’s sake ; “The lands there that stretch into Sundarbans far “Want a master : take them, and be their zemindar ; “And render us service when service we seek”. 202 JOB CHARNOCK XV The bargain is settled, the Firman signed : To the Great English Company trading with Hind, Four and twenty parganas of land are assigned, To be held of the Khalsa4 on terms defined : Now haste — take possession — the bargain to bind. Part the Second I Job Charnock stands thougtful on Hooghly’s shore : In his hand is the grant of his wide domain : He hath surveyed, examined, and searched it o’er, ’Tis populous, fertile, with ample store Of products for commerce, of cattle, and grain. II A site he is seeking to build him a fort. Where the Company’s factors securely may live. And hold with due prestige their zemindar’s court. Dealing justice to all who for commerce resort, That a city may grow up about it and thrive. III “Plant here England’s standard where narrows the land ; “Our ships may their cargoes on this bank, “Close anchored in shore, and well under command ; “No army can pass round, nor pillaging band, “Yon jheel4 stretching eastward so covers the flank. IV “Here southward secure from oppression and spoil, “Our weavers may labour with spindle and loom, “And husbandmen crop the rich Sundarbun soil, “With only the tiger to fear in their toil : “Yes ! here let us raise up for commerce a home. JOB CHARNOCK 203 V “For this mighty river will freely bring down “The products of Hindoostan’s exqusite art ; “While eastward to Bakirgung, Dacca, Chatgaon, “Yon jheel yields a way — ’tis the spot for a town “By nature designed for a general mart VI He traces the lines for a rampart and gate. With five solid bastions flanking the wall ; ‘kTo my country’s King William I dedicate “This fort of her fortunes, — Go prosper its fate ! “And make my fort William the pride of Bengal.” VII All day ply the Beeldars6 with pickaxe and spade. Overlooked by Job Charnock’s own watchful eye ; The day’s work is over, the men have been paid ; Deep darkness to twilight the evening shade, While Charnock sits watching the starlit sky. VIII Now gong’s sudden roar, and a trumpet’s blast, Peals loud from an ancient temple near, Whence issues by torchlight a multitude vast ; They bear to the pile for its obsequies last A corpse richly garlanded laid on bier. IX The pile is built high on the river side, And thitherward wends the procession strange : ’Mid priests tossing flambeaux, whose glare spreads wide, A palanquin, bearing the widowed bride. Advances, and round it men cluster and range. 204 JOB CHARNOCK X Arrived at the pile, from the closed palanquin, A damsel is lifted, with long flowing hair, In beauty’s form moulded, of years but fifteen ; The priests gather round her ; by gesture and mien They entreat, while they threaten, and point to the bier. XI She yields not assent, yet is dragged to the pile ; The corpse on the summit already is laid ; They lift her : she struggles resisting, the while Gongs loudly are beaten, and Brahmins with guile Proclaim that the Suttee her death-vow hath made, XII “Can [ sit here and suffer this impious rite ? “What ! ho there! my guard ”, crieth Charnock, in ire : “Tis murder they perpetrate here in my sight ; “Away let us rescue that angel of light, “Whom thus, unconsenting, they cast in the fire.” XIII With a shout they have rushed, and have scattered the throng; He bears off the Suttee, all trembling with fear. “Now tell me”, saith Charnock, “so fair and so young, “Why doom they to torments ? Why burn thee along “With the corpse they have laid upon yonder bier ? ” XIV “Art thou, then, a stranger who knows not the faith “That Brahmins of Hindoostan cruelly teach ? “All here worship Kali, grim goddess of death, “My birthplace, Calcutta, her dread name it hath ; “My parents are Brahmins, her glory who preach. JOB CHARNOCK 205 XV ‘Bcthrothed in my childhood to one of my kin, Who died while the marriage was yet incomplete, -•They told me that life for a widow was sin : fully. The flag of the King Emperor was hoisted with the soldiers playing ihe band. Cannons and guns were fired far and wide. Many drank punch and wines to their heart’s content. The only exception was Mr. Bradyll, who could not join the festivity whole-heartedly. Roger Bradyll was the Chief of the Patna factory when Charnock declared war against the Moghuls at Hooghly. The Nawab arrested Bradyll. But King, who was a fugitive British sergeant, volunteered to be disguised as Bradyll and embraced captivity, giving Bradyll the opportunity to flee. King was still rotting in the jail at Patna. The Nawab had demanded a ransom of Rs. 1,500 for King’s release. In a fit of drunkenness, Bradyll quarrelled with Charnock, the subject being King’s release. Charnock asked Bradyll to get the release of King by paying Rs. 1,50Q. “Where shall I get so much money ?”, Bradyll said. “No agent has made me his son-in-law”. “Will you please state more clearly what do you want to say,, M,r. Bradyll”, Charnpck ported. MNot today”, Bradyll replied. “Thebufc a mere Mr, Charnock, JOB CHARNOCfC 269 I will tell you that day. But remember, that day is not very far off. The old Company is being wound-up and a new one set up in its stead. I will then see how you are entertained by Madras Court”. Brady II burst into an hysterical laughter and Capt. Hill had had to pu^h him out of the dinner hall. Charnock, too, had heard rumours about the abolition of the old Company All his influence was over the Directors of the old Company. It was quite possible that the new Directors after assuming the office might sack Charnock, he thought. The work of building the new city was not progressing according to schedule. The Moghuls had not yet given permis- sion to the Company to erect pucca houses, not to speak of a fort. A road from the banyan tree at Baitakkhana was now under construction, but the workers were scared off by tigers and snakes which infested the area. Charnock engaged several armed guards to protect the workers. Centring round the market of Sutanuti, the natives had dwellings previously. Now the black town began to expand in that area. The nerve centre of the British was (he Calcutta village. In the south was the dense forest of Govindapur. So the work of clearing the jungles was started at the Calcutta village. A sizeable area had been cleared and new traders, including the Portuguese and Armenians, began to flock to the place. Charnock purchased a frigate from the! Portuguese by paying a heavy price. It was a warship well-equipped with big cannons. 270 JOB CHARNOCK As the Moghuls had not yet permitted the British to build a fort on the land, Charnock planned to use this frigate as a water fort in case of emergency. The firman of the Emperor came on February 17, 1691, granting the company unrestricted trading rights on payment of an annual tax of Rs. 3,000 only. Thus, the efforts of all these years became fruitful at last. The British announced their success far and wide by firing each and every cannon and gun on land as well as on water. Under the banyan tree of Baitakhana, people of all castes and religions assembled to rejoice over this good news. The Setts and Basacks came to congratulate Charnock with presents. “You are the King of Sutanuti, King of Calcutta”, they declared. Raja Charnock was looking at his own image reflected in the mirror and smiling himself. He was not aware when Mrs. Charnock came and stood behind him. “What’s the matter? You seem to be very happy looking at your own face ?”, she said in good humour. “No, no. I am looking at Raja Charnock and ridiculing myself”, he said. “Why ? What is there to ridicule Raja Charnock ? Why, is he not a Raja ?” “Really, why not ? When he has got such a lovely queen ? But where is the capital ?” “This Sutanuti is the capital”. “What a capital. What a fcapital. It consists only of some thatched huts and tents. Even if there has been a palace and a fort, it could have deserved that name”. JOB CHARNOCK 271 “Let there be no such things.. The capital will be estab- lished in the hearts of your people. Do you know what a tale about my Raja’s bravery have I heard today at the bathing ghat of Sutanuti ?” “What gossipping tale you have heard again ?” “I went to bathe in the river today in a palanquin escorted by armed guards. The women-folk at the ghat at first got very much scared but when I assured them that there was no cause for fear, they came near and surrounded me. They said as if you had gone to see the Emperor in the south accompanied by a Vakil. After bowing the Emperor, you stood before him. At this time the Vazir said, ‘Your Honour, the arms and arma- ments of your soldiers are exhausted’. You said, ‘Don’t you worry about it. I am bringing them from the ship’. The Emperor was pleased to receive ^he arms and armaments from you. He said, ‘Speak out Firingi, what it is you want from me ?’ You said, ‘Please give me your order so that I can finish your enemies’. He said, ‘All right, go on’. You annihilated his enemies in no time and came back and bowed him again. He was so much impressed that he made you the King of Calcutta. How do you like this story ?” “Really, the people of your country excel in the art of crea- ting fantastic stories”, Charnock said. “But you also now belong to this country. Do you think you will be able to return to your own country again ? Moreover, we are not going to allow you to leave this country”. “Really Angela”, Charnock said, “I dont’t like to return to my own country. I have spent the major part of my life in your country. The picture of my own country has become 272 JOB CHARNOCK hazy to me. I will be happy to spend the rest of my life in Calcutta. You will see Angela, my grave will be laid in the ground of this country.” “Don’t say such inauspicious things. I am not going to see your grave. I have become widow once, and won’t have that fate for the second time. This much I can say that I will die before you”. “But how shall I live without you, Angela. I felt aggrieved when Motia died. But truly speaking, that grief could not make me shaky. Motia became virtually dead to me from the day I got you. So, if I don’t get you by my side in the last years of my life, my future will be extremely dark, my dearest heart”. “Then let us make an agreement to die together”, Angela proposed jokingly Charnock remained silent. Angela continued, “Today I have to divulge to you one thing which I have kept secret from you for a long time lest you are worried. Since I suffered illness at Hijili, I am not keeping good health at all. I have become weak, feel pain f in my stomach, have no appetite and my head reels at the slightest strain. I have a feeling that I won’t live long”. “Why didn*t you tell me of this before ?”. Charnock was extremely upset. “I could have got you treated by the best surgeon of the Company at Madras”. “Your British doctor could not diagnose the disease of a Hindu woman. What do they know about the tropical diseases of this country ?” JOB CHARNOCK 273 Then let me call in a Vaidya. Don’t neglect your health so much, Angela. Your body does not belong to you alone, it is mine also. How can I get peace, if you are indisposed of? 1 am sending for the Vaidya right now”. Vaidya Chandrasekhar came and examined Mrs. Charnock with great care and attention. The liver had been enlarged and the heart was weak. He prescribed complete rest for Mrs. Charnock and prepared necessary medicines for her. Inside the well-furnished cabin of a house-boat lay Mrs. Charnock on the bed. Charnock was relaxing by her side. His wrinkled face bore the mark of worries and anxieties. No pucca house could be built till now. The majority of Charnock’s people were living inside mud huts, tents and in the boats. It was also a problem to maintain peace and harmony in the new colony. There were only 150 mercenary soldiers under the command of Capt. Hill. Some of them again were Portuguese. Last but not the least, there was no cordial feel- ings among the British subjects. They were frequently at quarrels with each other. A ship from Madras had brought the news that Mr. Trench- field had filed a defamation suit against Charnock. The comments made by Charnock against him to the Directors had provided the source of defamation. Was this the prelude to Roger Bradyll’s predictions ? Rumour was also rampant that a new company was in the making. Charnock’s future in his old age was thus uncertain. Still Charnock would not repent for any thing. He had become a fatalist after spending so many years in Hindustan. “What are you thinking so hard ?”, Mrs. Char ^ck asked. 18 274 JOB CHARNOCK “So many things”, he said. “Don’t think so much. Look at Sutanuti-Calcutta on the cast bank of the river. Your dream is becoming a reality. One day I have made jokes with you regarding your plan for the new city. Now that city is going to take shape”. “I have only laid the foundation of Sutanuti-Calcutta, but it would not be possible perhaps for me to build the city. I cherished great hopes that I would build such a city that would rival Madras one day. But that is now a freak of imagination. Can’t you see how many hurdles are there in front of me ?” “I am sure all these hurdles will be removed one day. Think of the days in Patna, Kasimbazar, Hooghly and Hijili. Those days cannot be compared with the present. Today you are Raja Charnock”. “You are also mocking me, Angela?” The new company is in the offing. I don’t know what is my future”. “Let me pray to God that I won’t be alive to see your bad days. I can well perceive that my days are coming to an end”. “Will you stop such talks, Angela”, Charnock’s tone was pathetic. “Hear me, please”, Mrs. Charnock appealed. “My last request to you. Do cremate my dead body on the banks of the Bhagirathi in Calcutta acccording to Hindu rites”. “I rescued you one day from the funeral pyre. I can’t let your beauty burn into ashes in the fire, Angela”. “No, no. You have to keep my last request. When my earthly body burns into ashes completely, my soul will mingle JOB CHARNOCK 275 with yours. Cremate my body on the banks of the Bhagirathi. Call the Brahmins and have my sradh ceremony performed by them”. Job Charnock slowly began to caress the dark hairs of Angela. Mrs. Charnock’s premonition came to be true and she died one day unceremoniously. The dramatic sequence which marked her rescue from the funeral pyre was totally absent in her death-bed. She breathed her last after suffering from prot- racted illness in a most common homely environment. A shadow of gloom overtook the whole colony. The flag was half-masted atop the factory . All men, womenfolk, ser- vants and maid-servants wept bitterly. The courtyard was crowded wiih people from all walks of life. Capt. Hill, Charles Pale and even Roger Bradyll came to offer their condolences. But Job Charnock sat still like a statue and continued to puff his hubble-bu bble incessantly without saying anything to any- body. Meanwhile, Capt. Dorrill had brought the most decorated coffin with heaps of garlands of white lotus and asked Charnock about the performance of the last rites. Charnock simply ordered him to send for the Brahmins. “My wife would be cremated according to Hindu rites”, he said. This sent ripples of commotion among the British circles. True, Mrs. Charnock was a Hindu woman, but she was the wife of a Christian. Why should she be cremated ? The Chaplain came to Charnock to convince him of the logic of putting her body into the grave but instantly returned after getting a rebuff from him. But no Brahmins were available for the cremation of Mrs. Charnock. Somebody informed Charnock 276 JOB CHARNOCK that all the Brahmins of Sutanuti-Calcutta had gone under- ground for fear of committing an unconventional thing. Charnock became furious and battered the messenger with blows and kicks. Everybody was terribly upset at the sudden change of Charnock’s conduct. Mrs. Hill prudently sent Catherine, Charnock’s youngest daughter, to her father. She jumped into Charnock’s lap and began to weep. Charnock now burst into tears. Embracing his daughter, he wept bitterly. At last Mrs. Charnock’s body was sent to the grave. The road from Baitakkhana coming towards west had ended into a big pond. Mrs. Charnock’s grave was dug on the south-west corner of this pond. The soldiers played mournful tunes. A long condolence procession, comprising people from all religions, accompanied the coffin. It seemed as if the whole of Sutanuti- Calcutta had converged near the graveyard to mourn the loss of Mrs. Charnock. The grave was filled with earth. This time Sundar Kahar brought a cock and handed it over to Charnock. Charnock surprised everybody present there by sacrificing the cock on the grave. The chaplain was annoyed at such paganism on the part of the British Chief in Calcutta. But nobody dared to protest against the action of a grief-stricken Agent. * * * Charnock’s character underwent a radical change. He had lost the equilibrium of his life. Whole day and night he used to sit with a grave face, keeping himself completely aloof from the work of the Council . JOB CHARNOCK 277 His temper became so irritating during these days that even his daughters did not dare to come near him. Mary once asked Charnock to arrange for the marriage of Elizabeth. But Charnock was enraged “I am not going to be bothered with ► this. Do whatever you think best”, he shouted. Only Sundar Kahar was allowed to stay near him. He was Charnock’s silent companion. In this way a full year passed by after the death of Mrs. Charnock. The priests prayed in the church, but Job Charnock accompanied by Sundar Kahar, went to the grave and sacrificed a cock on it. Charnock’s health broke down completely due to his irregular habits. Sundar Kahar one day requested Charnock to take care of his health and stop drinking. Job Charnock rebuked him and turned him out of his room. * * * The Christmas of 1692 was approaching, but here was no move to celebrate the festival in the new colony. Agent Job Charnock was seriously ill and bed-ridden. Capt. Dorrill got him examined by the doctor, who could not utter any word of assurance. Excessive drinking had damaged the liver and the heart was also weak. The doctor prescribed medicines but Charnock threw' them away and shouted for punch. Wine was prohibited by the doctor. Job Charnock abused the doctor in a filthy language. The doctor said sternly, “Worshipful Mr. Charnock, your days are numbered. It is not even a matter of days but only a matter of hours. If you want* you can order your own coffin and ask your people to get the epitaph for the grave written. 278 JOB CHARNOCK Job Charnock softened his tone suddenly and thanked the doctor. “Doctor, you are an angel. I fell greatly relieved by your verdict”. “I can understand clearly that you are committing suicide”, the doctor said. “No, no. I am embracing my salvation. I have fought eno- ugh. Now there is lasting peace before me. Where is Eyre ?” Charles Eyre appeared before him. “My boy, my dear boy, my loving son’*, Charnock said, “place the order for my epitaph. Write simply ‘Job* on the the epitaph. I came to Hindustan, accepting a job from the Right Honourable Company. Let that introduction of mine re- main on my grave”. “But Sir,” “Eyre said, you are the founder of Calcutta, the father of Calcutta. lean swear that I will build a gigantic memorial on your grave”. “No, no, my dear boy, don’t spend so much money on this shattered body of mine. Only place my coffin by the side of my dearest wife” . Job Charnock sank into a semi-conscious state. In his last days, Job Charnock did not allow the doctor, relations and even his daughters to come by his bed-side. Only Sundar Kahar used to sit near his feet like a statue. Capt.-Dorrill one day forced his entry into the patient’s room and after taking his seat in a chair, said: “Worshipful Sir, it is a matter of great sorrow for us that you are taking your last leave from us. But who is going to replace you ? Who is there to undertake your work ? We want your directives”. JOB CHARNOCK 279 “What directive can I give you”, Charnock said faintly. “The God above can only give such a directive”. “Still tell me Sir, whom do you think fit for your work ?” “Baird, Stanley, Ellis or Bradyll. Yes Bradyll would be the best person”. “What are you saying, Sir ? Have you forgotten that Bradyll once insulted you ?” Capt, Dorrill asked surprisingly. “No, no, he is a smart and shrewd chap. Ahove all, he had the guts to speak unpleasant things on my face. A brave man like him is required”. “But what about your son-in-law, Eyre? Don’t you consider him to be a suitable successor to you ?” “Eyre is a bright good boy. I love him very dearly”, Charnock said. “But he is unfit to bear the responsibility of this Calcutta, Captain. I prefer a bold, shrewd, stern man who can build this city, j I could not do it”. “You are the founder of Calcutta, father of Calcutta. Isn’t it that you had to fight both inside and outside to establish our rights in Calcutta ?” “I am the father of Calcutta, Raja of Calcutta,” Charnock said in a mocking tone. “No, I don’t want anything from Cal- cutta except a little place of land by the side of my dearest wife’s grave. My grave will be laid there. I want only this place of land on eternal lease. Captain, won’t Calcutta give this bit of land to me”. > “What are you saying, Sir. The whole of Calcutta is for you’’. 280 JOB CHARNOCK Job Charnock did not say a word any more and was again engulfed in drowsiness. The Christmas came and went and the first morning of 1693 dawned, but the struggle between Job Charnock’s life and death continued unabated. January 10, 1693 “Give me punch, give me punch”. Job Charnock stidi enly shouted. Nobody appeared with the jar of punch since it was prohibited by the doctor. Job Charnock’s shout began to grow in intensity. He tried to g2t up from his bed in an effort to bi ing the jar of punch himself but fell down beside his bed. He began to cry aloud like a child. “These people won’t let me die in peace. They want me to die of thirst. Punch, a peg of punch ...” Suddenly Sundar Kahar appeared on the scene with a jar ot punch and placed it in the shaky hand of Charnock. A smile of gratitude flashed on the lips of Charnock. He raised the jar to his mouth and tried to pour its contents down his throat but collapsed into death. Thus came to an end the adventurous and eventful life of Job Charnock, the founder of the biggest metropolis in India. LILA AND CHARNOCK (A short story by Subodh Ghosh) Long, long ago, a golden-haired handsome youth from a far-off island country gazed at a woman of a new continent with undisguised astonishment. The time was about three centuries ago, when Aurgangzebe’s much vaunted Moghul Empire was showing signs of disinte- gration and it was when the activities of British merchant ships and warships had accelerated at the mouth of the Bay of Bengal. The foreigner. was Job Charnock, who, at a later date, laid the foundation of the British Empire in India at a tiny village, then known as Sutanuti, on the east coast of the Hooghly river. Later, this village, along with two others on the same coast, developed into the second largest city of the British Empire. The place where Charnock saw this girl was, of course, not Sutanuti, but hundreds of miles north of this village where he had established the second factory of the East India Company. British trade in muslin and spices had been flourishing then at this place. Charnock was simply infatuated by the exquisite physcial charms of that girl. Her tall and graceful fiigure, deep black eyes, exceedingly fair complexion with a crimson tint, slender waist, thick black curly hair, all made a lasting impression on him. On that paricular day, a festival was being celebrated by the local people. To mark this festival? a fair was being held in a field near the riverside. Charnock came to see this girl who had 282 JOB CHARNOCK apparently also the same purpose. The girl was Lila, daughter of a local Brahmin landlord. The deep red vermilion mark across the head of that girl did not escape the notice of Charnock and he instantly felt that looking at this girl with some desire meant like longing for a distant star. The girl, aware of Charnock’s intent attention towards her, blushed and lowered her sight. Charnock seemed to drink her blushing beauty. Lila, too, felt a great attraction for this handsome foreigner hut at once realised her helplessness, being a married woman. After returning home, she wept bitterly. She recalled that she was married to a Brahmin at the age of three, 20 years ago. The Brahmin had been her father’s guest for a few days on his way to Varanasi. Immediately after the marriage, her husband left for Varanasi and settled there. Lila had never seen him again since then. Charnock could not forget the deep black eyes of that gir[ and her blushing beauty in his day-to-day trading life. One day, tired of the haunting memory of that girl, Charnock went to the riverside bathing ghat in the morning and got the most pleasant surprise of his life. He saw the girl coming oat of a palanquin to take a dip into the holy river. This time the lady not only obliged him with a glance but also greeted hirn with a faint smile. After taking her bath, she left the ghat in her palanquin. From this day onwards, Charnock never missed his morning stroll on the riverside iri spite of his multifarious preoccupations to have a sight of his dream girl. This became a daily feature in JOB CHARNOCK 283 Lila and Charnock’s life to meet each other without exchanging a word. A full year passed by in this way when one day there was a break in this routine but pleasant affair. No palanquin arrived on that day and Charnock noticed that a funeral pyre was being arranged at a little distance away from the bathing ghat. The priest, the drummers and some local people had assembled near the pyre. On making an enquiry, Charnock came to know that a woman was going to commit sati by burning herself alive in the pyre as her husband had expired. Suddenly the place became alive with loud chanting of mantras by priests and beating of drums. A lady was slowly approaching the pyre. To his agonising surprise, Charnock noticed that she was no other than her dream girl, Lila. A relation of Lila had come from Varanasi conveying the message that her husband had died recently. He had also brought with him a pair of the deceased’s wooden sandals so that Lila could burn herself in the pyre along with the wooden slippers as a substitute for the physical body of her late husband. Lila cast a mournful glance at Charnock and was preparing herself to leap into the fire. Charnock’s eyes became filled with tears. Suddenly Charnock heard the shrieking of the priest. Lila had refused to become a sati. “Why ?”, asked the priest. “I don’t know my husband. I cannot recollect having seen him. I am not devoted to my husband”, retorted Lila. “But that does not interfere in any way with your becoming a sati, the priest said, “Sacrifice yourself and that will be a tes- timony to your devotion”. 284 JOB CHARNOCK “I am attached to another person. J have no right to become a sati,” Lila exclaimed boldly. An evil woman, a characterless woman, shouted the crowd. Lila was now stepping back from the pyre and began walk- ing aimlessly along the river bank. A few furlongs away, another group of people was patiently awaiting with some design. They were traders in immoral traffic and would get hold of any woman who would refuse to become a sati as on this occasion. They were about to pounce upon Lila like vultures when a terrific roar was heard. Like an infuriated lion, Charnock jumped upon them with a naked sword and the cowards melted away forthwith in terror. Charnock lost no time in lifting her up in his strong arms and he dashed for a boat belonging to the East India Company, which lay anchored nearby. On entering the boat, he ordered the crew to sail immediately towards the south. Inside the cabin of the boat lay Lila with a bunch of lily flowers presented to her by Charnock. Outside the cabin on the deck sat Charnock, thousands of thoughts flashing over his mind. At last one evening, the boat reached the ghat of Sutanuti. Charnock and Lila came out and stood before the gate of the factory built by Charnock previously. “This is your shelter, Lila”, Charnock said and left for his apartment. After spending some lonely days and nights in this house, Lila sorrowfully felt one day that she had only been given a JOB CHARNOCK 285 shelter in this house but she was not a sheltered woman in Charnock’s life. Every day a bunch of white lily flowers was sent to her as a token of Charnock’s love and affection, but Charnock himself did not come to her. Weary of this solitary and monotonous life, one afternoon Lila was slowly approaching a big pond in the compound of the factory to commit suicide. At that very moment, somebody caught hold of her hand from behind. Lila was taken aback. “You ?” “Yes, it is me”, Charnock smiled. “But how long?”, Lila asked. “Forever”, Charnock replied. Lila became silent. “Not only in this life, but even after death 1 will remain with you, Lila”, Charnock said lovingly. This was not a false assurance. Charnock accepted Lila as his legally married wife and their love and attachment to each other had become legendary in those days. Even after death, they have remained side by side with each other. The two graves of Charnock and Lila in the cool interior of a memorial in the courtyard of St. John’s Church bear sweet testimony to a strange but true love between a man of a remote island and a woman of this Gangetic coast. Subject Index to Part 1 JOB CHARNOCK’S Ancestry 1-4, 155-57 Brother, Stephen 3, 44, 156-157 Character 18-22, 31-33, 89, 105-106, 107-112, 115-121, 129-30, 149-50 Estimates of (1) East India Company 19-20, 129-30; (2) Hamilton, Alexander -27-28, 54-55, 86-87, 123, 147-149; (3) Hunter, W.W. — 117-118, 121; (4) Orme, Robert — 122: (5) Wilson, C.R. - 44: (6) Yule, H — 31, 87, 117. Daughters — Catherine, Elizabeth, Mary and unnamed son— (1) Catherine 37, 160, 174-75 ; epitaph 38, 181 ; (2) Elizabeth 36, 141-42, 160; (3)Marv, 160, 175; epitaph 36, 181 ; and (4) Son 38-39 Exodus to Madras 83-84, 143-50 l ather, Richard — will 1-3, 151-155 Founding of Calcutta 14-15, 81, 84-86, 1 13-114 Armenian claim rebutted 56-57, 164-173 Is Calcutta chance-erected? 16-18 Reasons for selecting Sutanuti 17-18 Mausoleum 33-41, 56-57, 105, 135, 174-181 Charnock’s Epitaph 33,36, 124, 177-78 Petrology of Charnock’s tombstone 182-186 Native wife 23-30 ; Sati £tory 28, 53, 55, 66, 87, 111, 131 - 136, 137-40, 141-42, 147-48 Portrait 41 288 JOB CHARNOCK Religion - Paganism rebutted 30-33, 137, 149-50 Relations with (1) Evans, Chaplain — 34-35: (2) Heath, Capt. William - 12-13, 83, 100-102, 146 ; (3) Hedges, William — 25-26, 135-36; (4) Master, Streynsham 9-10, 60-61, 143. Service with E. 1. Company 4-5, 6-9, 45-47, 61-62, 125-129 Scholarly pursuits 21-22 ; testimony of (1) Bowrey, Thomas 22, & (2) Marshall, John 22. Skirmish at Hooghly II, 64, 92-93, 127-128 War with the Moghuls 10-13, 61-67, 72-81, 94-105 Will 32, 58, 87-88, 157-160; History of legacies 3, 42-44, 161-62. ERRATA Page Line xii Penultimate Delete coma 1 10 ( Italics ) Read has after It 3 25 ,, Secondly 4 27 Add a stop after theologian C 23 Read Shah 10 2 Insert August in the blank 9 9 9 9 Read Char nock 9 » 15 „ People 14 17 ,5 short 15 2 ,, falling 22 20 >, the 23 4 ,, with 28 25 ,, Alexander 30 23 „ Perhaps 39 1 ,, birth and add ‘a’ after ‘to * ■* 21 f, traces 41 8 (Ref. 1) „ for 1 9 9 (Ref.) Add ‘to’ before ‘be’ 43 7 Unbracket 1974 44 9 Read Londoners 45 Pen ultimate „ Agent 46 3 ,, several last » traced ( ii ) Page Line 47 Ref. 23 Add a coma BRITANNICA 49 last /?^W Mookerji 53 10 „ OF n Ref. 74 >5 Letters 55 9 ,, forcibly 5 J 14 Unquote privileges ?9 Ref. 88 Read JOB CHARNOCKER BIBF 5> Ref. 89 „ K1MBADANTIR 56 Ref. 97 „ Rezabeebah 65 21 ,, triumph 67 Penultimate ,, decision 68 14 „ burial 70 22 ,, correspendency 71 15 Treat coma at the end of the line as : >' 30 Read just > J last „ of 72 8 Delete coma after ‘Bengal’ 75 10 Read cularly 5> 13 „ sailed 15 „ vessel 76 5 Delete ‘in’ and read Leslie 77 Penultimate Read captured 78 19 „ Epidemicall 81 24 „ necessary ( iii ) Page 85 Line 10 Read wild 90 5 „ little 93 12 Add a stop after wounded 95 2 Read to 25 „ be 98 16 „ weak 100 3 Unquote itself 101 29 Delete and 103 23 Read momentary 108 Penultimate „ Old 110 19 Space between ‘dirty’ and ‘straggling' 111 7 Read bushy 8 „ moustaches 21 „ Barrackpore 113 12 ,, Chuttanutty 114 6 ,, circumstances 1 16 5 ,, Lieutenant 117 6 Add ‘as’ between ‘sense’ and ‘an’ 118 7 Read I and delete t y> 12 Civic 122 9 ,, Settlement ** 16 „ the 25 (Note) „ History 123 3 TreaFlhs stop after ‘ornaments’ < coma ( iv ) Page Line 123 9 bore 124 7 „ sensation 126 8 Space the words ‘andby’ and ‘thatplace’ 127 17 Read credited 129 2 ,, emperor’s >» 29 „ qualified 130 12 ,, capricious o 14 „ Goldsborough 23 (note) ,, official 131 2 Unbracket ‘pyre’ 5 Read pofson 133 16 Delete one ‘the’ 134 4 ( poem ) Read widow 13 Treat semicolon after Calcutta as coma 136 12 Read acclamations 137 4 ,, tittle-tattle 10 „ right 55 12 „ scandal 138 15 „ pilot 139 1 Delete quote marks before Charnock J * 7 Treat stop as coma 141 Penultimate Read William 143 5 >, market 144 20 ,, Charnock 145 10 fortifications ( V ) Page Line 145 14 /tea*/ in 146 Penultimate ,, doubtless 147 16 „ palaces J > 18 ,, palaces 150 6 „ and J 5 15 „ Ellis 152 1 Delete bracket 153 16 Read Stephen 154 8 „ money 25 ,, bequeathed 155 9 „ sonnes 5* 24 „ executor >> 25 „ family Penultimate ,, county 156 4 „ The 7 ,, Penwortham »» 10 „ ‘both* and treat the stop as coma after ‘century’ 12 Read Bedford 165 24 Space words ‘finallanding’ 166 8 Treat coma after doubt as stop 167 24 Add “also will, at our own charge, cause a convenient Church to be built, of timber” after ‘we’, before the bracket. >> last Insert alldfy between ‘also’ and ‘fifty* 168 2 Read choose ( vi ) Page 168 »» 99 176 179 182 183 184 194 196 203 205 207 211 212 214 215 228 229 f 230 231 Line 3 8 13 9 17 12 26 9 14 Read 1688 „ 1630 At Add a coma after ‘borough’ Read morning ,, crystalline ,, magnesium „ crystalline ,, thick 7 (Stanza 1) „ silt 2 (Stanza V) ,, exquisite 1 (Stanza XV) ,, Betrothed 5 (Stanza XIX) ,, willing 7 (Note 1 ) Treat coma after E as stop 1 (Note) Read Free 8 Add a stop after you 4 Read commission 26 ,, she 6 „ problems 12 „ bungalow 19 „ Elliot 5 „ exempted last Add ‘not’ after Motia 5 Read But ( Vii ) Page Line 232 4 Read your 99 21 „ suitable 233 11 „ family 9 9 27 ,, purchased 99 28 ,, shellac 238 24 ,, immediately 239 16 Add be after ‘will’ 240 25 Read Ann 29 Add family after ' 241 11 Read that 242 27 ,, leadership 245 10 „ therefore 251 l „ Captain 99 18 „ goddess 252 12 „ from 253 12 „ predicament 254 4 „ British 255 21 „ interloper 256 23 Treat stop after 4r 257 1 Invert the quotes »» 17 Read persistent 259 21 ,, the 260 5 Add a stop after C 263 25 Read quarrelling »» last „ letter ( vili ) Page Line 266 12 Read Madopollam 20 ,, undaunted 267 5 „ Sundar 268 5 „ herself 370 10 „ Baitakkhana 274 15 Delete quotes after Angela 277 16 Read there 5* last Unquote the sentence 278 2 Read feel 14 Transfer the quotes from Eyre to you 279 22 Read piece >> 24 „ piece 282 18 „ girl